Sunday, May 25, 2008

Other dangers in quake-ravaged China

Summer rains will raise the risk of landslides, avalanches and flooding. The government appeals for 3.3 million tents for the homeless.

BEIJING -- The danger is far from over in the mountainous terrain where last week's earthquake struck, with the risks of landslides, avalanches and flooding growing as the summer rainy season begins, Chinese officials said Thursday.The warning came as the death toll from the May 12 quake rose to 55,239, with nearly 30,000 people still missing. More than 5 million are homeless and may not be able to rebuild their houses soon, or ever, because of the instability of the terrain.

"There will certainly be more landslides, new avalanches and mudflows," Yun Xiaosu, deputy land and resources minister, said at a news conference here. "We are still having aftershocks, and then next month is the start of the rainy season."

The grim assessment was based on high-resolution satellite photos provided this week by the U.S. government that show the potential for what are called "secondary geological disasters."

'Barrier lakes'

Quakes leave the ground fragile and susceptible to landslides. The biggest danger comes from "barrier lakes," which are formed when a landslide plugs a river and could easily overflow after a heavy rain or aftershocks.

Chinese geologists who examined the photos detected 34 such lakes. One particularly large one near the town of Beichuan already has forced the evacuation of thousands of people living in the potential flood path.

"These lakes pose a very severe risk," said Liu Yuan, an environmental official with the Land and Resources Ministry.

Altered landscape

The satellite images were provided by the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency, according to the U.S. Embassy in Beijing, along with medical and rescue equipment. Initial photographs were marred by heavy cloud cover, and the Chinese received another batch two days ago. The images also revealed damage to dams, reservoirs and hydroelectric plants.

The magnitude 7.9 quake rearranged Sichuan province's already complicated landscape of rushing rivers, flood-prone valleys and jagged mountains. Even re-creating roads is a dangerous mission. More than 200 government employees, most of them with the Transportation Ministry, were entombed in mud by landslides over the weekend when they tried to clear the rubble from a road near the epicenter in Wenchuan.

"The devastating phenomenon we see today is a natural consequence of the earthquake," said Guo Huadong, a geologist with the Chinese Academy of Sciences.

"Today's landslide will be the beautiful valley of tomorrow. Mountains are created this way. It is only unfortunate that this is a place where people live."

Guo, whose department reviewed the satellite images, said many areas would be left uninhabitable. Beichuan, where many of the 20,000 residents were killed, is in a steep valley squeezed between a river and mountain.

"Maybe they can build a memorial there to victims of the earthquake," he said. "But as far as living there, it is not a wise idea."

An appeal for tents

Housing the homeless is the next priority. The Chinese government appealed to the international community Thursday for 3.3 million tents, saying that only 400,000 had reached the disaster area. Officials said Chinese factories were working around the clock to produce tents but could not meet the demand.

The government also has set a goal of building 1 million temporary houses by August.In addition to those people left homeless by the quake, many whose homes are intact have fled or are sleeping outside for fear of the aftershocks. About 20,000 are squeezed into a stadium in the city of Mianyang.

By Barbara Demick, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer May 23, 2008

Monday, April 28, 2008

China's Loyal Youth

MANY sympathetic Westerners view Chinese society along the lines of what they saw in the waning days of the Soviet Union: a repressive government backed by old hard-liners losing its grip to a new generation of well-educated, liberal-leaning sophisticates. As pleasant as this outlook may be, it’s naïve. Educated young Chinese, far from being embarrassed or upset by their government’s human-rights record, rank among the most patriotic, establishment-supporting people you’ll meet.

As is clear to anyone who lives here, most young ethnic Chinese strongly support their government’s suppression of the recent Tibetan uprising. One Chinese friend who has a degree from a European university described the conflict to me as “a clash between the commercial world and an old aboriginal society.” She even praised her government for treating Tibetans better than New World settlers treated Native Americans.

It’s a rare person in China who considers the desires of the Tibetans themselves. “Young Chinese have no sympathy for Tibet,” a Beijing human-rights lawyer named Teng Biao told me. Mr. Teng — a Han Chinese who has offered to defend Tibetan monks caught up in police dragnets — feels very alone these days. Most people in their 20s, he says, “believe the Dalai Lama is trying to split China.”

Educated young people are usually the best positioned in society to bridge cultures, so it’s important to examine the thinking of those in China. The most striking thing is that, almost without exception, they feel rightfully proud of their country’s accomplishments in the three decades since economic reforms began. And their pride and patriotism often find expression in an unquestioning support of their government, especially regarding Tibet.

The most obvious explanation for this is the education system, which can accurately be described as indoctrination. Textbooks dwell on China’s humiliations at the hands of foreign powers in the 19th century as if they took place yesterday, yet skim over the Cultural Revolution of the 1960s and ’70s as if it were ancient history. Students learn the neat calculation that Chairman Mao’s tyranny was “30 percent wrong,” then the subject is declared closed. The uprising in Tibet in the late 1950s, and the invasion that quashed it, are discussed just long enough to lay blame on the “Dalai clique,” a pejorative reference to the circle of advisers around Tibet’s spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama.

Then there’s life experience — or the lack of it — that might otherwise help young Chinese to gain a perspective outside the government’s viewpoint. Young urban Chinese study hard and that’s pretty much it. Volunteer work, sports, church groups, debate teams, musical skills and other extracurricular activities don’t factor into college admission, so few participate. And the government’s control of society means there aren’t many non-state-run groups to join anyway. Even the most basic American introduction to real life — the summer job — rarely exists for urban students in China.

Recent Chinese college graduates are an optimistic group. And why not? The economy has grown at a double-digit rate for as long as they can remember. Those who speak English are guaranteed good jobs. Their families own homes. They’ll soon own one themselves, and probably a car too. A cellphone, an iPod, holidays — no problem. Small wonder the Pew Research Center in Washington described the Chinese in 2005 as “world leaders in optimism.”

As for political repression, few young Chinese experience it. Most are too young to remember the Tiananmen massacre of 1989 and probably nobody has told them stories. China doesn’t feel like a police state, and the people young Chinese read about who do suffer injustices tend to be poor — those who lost homes to government-linked property developers without fair compensation or whose crops failed when state-supported factories polluted their fields.
Educated young Chinese are therefore the biggest beneficiaries of policies that have brought China more peace and prosperity than at any time in the past thousand years. They can’t imagine why Tibetans would turn up their noses at rising incomes and the promise of a more prosperous future. The loss of a homeland just doesn’t compute as a valid concern.

Of course, the nationalism of young Chinese may soften over time. As college graduates enter the work force and experience their country’s corruption and inefficiency, they often grow more critical. It is received wisdom in China that people in their 40s are the most willing to challenge their government, and the Tibet crisis bears out that observation. Of the 29 ethnic-Chinese intellectuals who last month signed a widely publicized petition urging the government to show restraint in the crackdown, not one was under 30.

Barring major changes in China’s education system or economy, Westerners are not going to find allies among the vast majority of Chinese on key issues like Tibet, Darfur and the environment for some time. If the debate over Tibet turns this summer’s contests in Beijing into the Human Rights Games, as seems inevitable, Western ticket-holders expecting to find Chinese angry at their government will instead find Chinese angry at them.

Matthew Forney, a former Beijing bureau chief for Time, is writing a book about raising his family in China.

By MATTHEW FORNEY
Published: April 13, 2008
New York Times

Sunday, February 24, 2008

秦晖:中国奇迹与东欧困境

http://www.infzm.com/topic/zhongguoqiji

【上篇】双重效率增益与走出“负帕累托”:中国奇迹1978-1989


“走出‘文革’”的改革

中国的改革进程,如果按通常的说法从1978年十一届三中全会算起,已经历整整30年。而邓小平曾经有个说法:其实,“改革在1975年就开始了。那时的 改革,用的名称是整顿”。从个人角度讲,邓小平这样说有其道理。因为1975、1978这两个年份都是他复出掌舵之年。而从实际历史进程来讲,这个说法也 有相当的逻辑根据,因为这两个年份都是摆脱“文革”的标志年:1975年是在毛泽东还在世但已渐失工作能力的情况下,邓小平利用实际主政之机“暗渡陈仓” 式地试图摆脱“文革”,但被毛泽东生前最后一次政治铁腕所挫败。而1978年在毛去世后,邓小平在人心所向的气候下终于战胜坚持毛泽东路线的“凡是派”, 使中国真正摆脱了“文革”。所谓改革在其原初意义上就是摆脱“文革”,因此无论以1975年还是以1978年划线,应当都没有什么问题。(http: //www.cass.net.cn/chinese/y_party/yd/yd_l/yd_l_019.htm,中国社会科学院主办:《为中华之崛起 ——纪念中国共产党成立80周年》)
但是“摆脱‘文革’”并不等于走向市场经济,尤其1975年的“整顿”实际上强调的是恢复计划秩序,向如今被认为是“苏联模式”而“文革”时期被谴责为 “修正主义”的那一套靠拢,而根本与市场化背道而驰。人们应当记得,甚至在“四人帮”倒台后很长时间,像温州那样在“文革”的混乱中自发出现的市场化苗 头,那时都是被当作“四人帮”统治的恶果而受到严厉谴责并成为“整顿”对象的。
而另一方面,“摆脱文革”又决不仅仅是摆脱1966-1976那十年,因为按照薄一波回忆录的叙述,实际上早在1956年否定一长制、实行政工治厂后, “苏联那一套”就在中国吃不开了。改革前中国与苏联虽然都有相似的意识形态,其体制,尤其是经济体制还是颇有区别。在工业方面,这种区别从1956年中国 批判“一长制”开始凸显,到大跃进时代出现与“马钢宪法”(当年中国人对以苏联马格尼托哥尔斯克钢铁联合企业经营管理模式为代表的工业体制的称呼)对立的 “鞍钢宪法”,直到后来长期、全面的“反修”。实际上,“文革”前毛泽东与刘少奇等人的矛盾,除去纯个人因素的成分,如果说还有所谓路线的分歧的话,那几 乎就是“农民战争式的命令经济”还是“科学主义的理性计划经济”,或者说是“鞍钢宪法模式”还是“马钢宪法模式”、只讲“政治经济学”还是多少讲点“计划 科学”的区别。
众所周知,在苏联,改革前曾长期坚持以计划经济批判“市场社会主义”的教条倾向。而在中国,那时并没有“市场社会主义”的问题,改革前20余年间不断的 “反对修正主义”,与其说是以计划经济反对市场经济,毋宁说是以胡闹的命令经济来反对理性的计划经济倾向。当时经济上的“反修”举动,除了反对“三自一 包”带有一点“反市场”色彩外,其他如反对“消极平衡”、反对“条条专政”、反对“托拉斯化”、反对“一长制”与“管卡压”、取消所谓“不合理的规章制 度”、推行消灭分工的“五七道路”和反优化配置的“五小工业”等等,都是反对理性计划机制的。刘少奇、薄一波这些所谓“修正主义者”那时并没有搞市场经济 的念头,他们只是想要多一点理性计划经济,少一点大轰大嗡。但在那些年月中后者是优势是主流。根据薄一波的回忆,在改革前的30年里,除1956年以前局 部(如东北)有较多理性计划的成分、1962-1964年间又有更弱的“恢复”尝试外,连“八大”到“反右”之间、“四清”到“文革”之间这些一般被认为 尚属正常的年月,理性计划亦无力推行。更何况反右、大跃进与“文革”那些年月?(薄一波:《若干重大决策与事件的回顾》,下卷,中央党校出版社1993 年,961-982页)
这一切造成了中国与东欧改革前体制的不同。虽然中苏旧体制都是在落后的农民国家里发生革命的结果,带有希克斯称为前市场的传统时代“命令经济”的特征,但 此前俄国受工业文明、市民社会的影响毕竟深一些,其体制较多具有工业文明的“科学主义的理性计划”成分。从列宁欣赏福特制、泰勒制,斯大林时期的“马钢宪 法”强调专家治厂、经济核算、科层管理与一长制,直到勃列日涅夫时代大兴数理经济学,强调要素配置的最优化模型,逐步发展了一套“科学计划”体制。该体制 与规范的市场经济相比固然既无效率也不人道,但与大轰大嗡的农民战争式的“运动经济”和长官意志的“命令经济”相比,至少在效率上要强得多。苏联把“科学 计划”的潜力发挥到了极致,以致在这一方向上已无发展余地,而另寻出路则要付出打乱原有的“科学计划”的代价。
中国则不然,其所建立的更多是带有传统农民战争色彩的、“无计划的命令经济”,体现的与其说是工业文明的科学主义和经济理性,毋宁说是农业时代的长官意志 与浪漫激情。中国的“鞍钢宪法”与苏联的“马钢宪法”;中国的党委负责制与苏联的一长制;中国的政工治厂与苏联的专家治厂;中国的群众运动与苏联的科层管 理;中国的政治挂帅与苏联的经济核算;中国直到改革前仍只知道“政治经济学”而不知数理经济学,而苏联改革前数理经济学或曰“计划科学”已经是主流;中国 的“小而全”、山头经济和“三边工程”与苏联的强调优化分工、规模效应、科学布局……都反映了这种农业时代的“命令经济”不同于工业时代的“计划经济”。
当然,再“理性”的计划经济,虽然可以做到运筹学与线性规划下投入产出函数的“最优化”,却无法适应每个人千变万化的消费偏好;虽然可以做到静态的“计划 均衡”,在极端的“分配经济”中甚至可以消除市场试错过程中难免的过剩与不足交相波动,但却无法拥有动态均衡的市场竞争所产生的创新激励;虽然在实物指标 上它可以很有“效率”地生产出大量的产品,但在以可感知福利为基础的效用增益效率方面却远不如市场经济。而最根本的,正如布哈林当年所说:计划经济“必须 消灭所谓劳动自由,因为‘劳动自由’是同正确组织起来的‘计划’经济和劳动力的计划分配不相容的”。何止“劳动自由”,在无视个人偏好的情况下“消费者主 权”不复存在,个人成为整体机器上的“螺丝钉”,劳动、消费乃至整个生活以至思想,在逻辑上都有被“计划”的趋势,在这一点上“理性计划”与非理性的胡闹 并无本质区别。而这后果远比科尔奈讲的“软预算约束”要严重。(布哈林:《过渡时期经济学》,三联书店1981年,126页)

“乔厂长”比“普隆恰托夫经理”能干?
因此,再“科学”的理性计划体制虽可以有效地完成工业化原始积累 (非理性的命令经济连这一点也做不到),但迟早也会面临变革。而一旦变革,越“科学”的计划被放弃所要付出的代价 (所谓改革阵痛)就越大。这代价包括“市场均衡”尚未建立,“计划均衡”已被打破;效用增益效率尚未改进,实物投入产出效率却下降了;竞争—创新激励尚未 形成,强制积累功能已经瓦解。而且,这些代价的大小与“渐进”还是“激进”并无明显关系。从中东欧到前苏联的30个转轨国家尽管在“渐进”与“激进”、左 派掌权还是右派掌权等方面千差万别,但转轨初期无一例外地都出现了程度不同的经济衰退。而且“渐进”国家付出的代价未必小于“激进”国家。计划经济固有的 创新效率差、效用增益低以及“设计”人的行为这种思路本身的非人道性,是再钻“最优化”的牛角尖也无法解决的根本弊病。进入1980年代后,“计划最优 化”已出现明显的边际效益递减。而西方市场经济却在这时出现了信息技术革命、产业结构升级和“里根-撒切尔繁荣”。形势迫使苏联人不得不改弦更张。但是, 放弃这样严密的“科学计划”对经济的冲击是很大的。东欧人在这一过程中无疑有这样或那样的失误,但即使避免了一切失误,一个时期的经济滑坡也在所难免—— 最明显的是:甚至连并没有面临转轨问题的芬兰,仅仅由于她与经互会国家贸易比重很大,也受累于理性计划的废弃,在1989年后经历了连续数年的经济大滑 坡。1991-1994年,芬兰国民生产总值从1220亿美元降至958亿美元,降幅达21.5%。(Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1994 Book of the Year, Chicago: EB Inc., p.607; 1997 Book of the Year, p.605.)
反观中国,一方面它在“计划经济”方面还有极大的改进余地,不像苏联那样已经走到尽头,非得彻底改换“路线”不可;另一方面中国根本没有享受过“科学计 划”的好处,当然也不必承受放弃“科学计划”所要付的代价。中国改革前的“文革经济”本来就具有“既无市场又无计划”的特点,也就不存在苏东那样从理性计 划陷入“无计划无市场”的转型阵痛的问题。“文革”时期中国本来就没什么计划均衡可言,实物投入产出效率已经十分低下,强制积累的功能虽不亚于东欧,但 “瞎指挥”对这些积累的浪费更甚于东欧。因此“文革”后期的中国经济实际上处于“只要不再胡闹,怎么干都比以前好”的状态。事实上我们从林彪事件后披露的 所谓“571工程纪要”之类文件可以看出,毛泽东身后出现变革,几乎已是呼之欲出的事。
正是这种“改革前的胡闹”为后来的变革创造了“无代价增益”的前提。事实上,以1975年“整顿”开始的前期中国改革与其说是摆脱苏联模式,不如说在许多 领域是放弃“运动经济”而恢复苏式管理,放弃“鞍钢宪法”而部分恢复“马钢宪法”,用邓小平的话说就是:“把经济搞上去,首先是恢复生产秩序。凡是这样做 的地方都见效。”而用“文革话语”说,那就是“修正主义”来了。事实上,改革初期我国国有企业采取的许多改善管理的措施,与苏联后期搞的“谢基诺实验”、 “兹洛宾方法”、“列宁格勒经验”、“新波洛茨克方式”等等都可以说异曲同工。甚至那时流行的“大厂文学”,以著名的《乔厂长上任记》为代表,也与苏联后 期的“大厂文学”如《普隆恰托夫经理的故事》等如出一辙。两者都提倡专家治厂、“科学”管理,既抵制政工人员的瞎指挥,又完全没有市场营销的概念。
但是“停滞时代”的“普隆恰托夫经理”黔驴技穷回天无力,而“走出胡闹”的“乔厂长”却大展宏图开始了“奇迹”,这与其说是后者比前者更能干,毋宁说是后 者的前任比前者的前任更糟糕。在“乔厂长”上任的时代,中国无论是走市场化改革的道路,还是建立科学主义的理性计划,都能带来经济绩效的提高,而戈尔巴乔 夫时代的苏联已经没有这种可能了。

失去的只是锁链:改革前期的公正性增益
理性计划与非理性的命令如果对改革的效率增益有影响,那么改革前体制的束缚——保障功能是否协调则有关改革的公平性增益。
某些自由主义者也许会认为一切“非自由”的安排都没有正当性,但实际上,人们之所以接受某种束缚性共同体的安排,不尽然是因为强制。如果自由能够交换“安 全”,包括广义的安全即社会保障,人们是会权衡的:假如牺牲较少的自由能换来较多的保障,那么这种束缚可以被认为是公平的。如果自由的牺牲与保障的获得程 度相当,那么这种体制至少也并不显得太不公平。事实上,民主社会主义与福利国家的制度安排正是在这个意义上得到相当多的现代公民的拥护。中国与东欧改革前 的旧体制当然不是民主社会主义,人们也没有权力(通过选票)在这两者间进行权衡和交换。但体制的束缚与保障功能仍成为“不自由”的两面而给人以不同的感 觉。一般地说,任何改革前体制都没有实现所谓“共同富裕”的乌托邦,但很多国家这种体制具有的社会保障功能还是明显的。而走出旧体制的“转轨”过程,用马 克思的话说就是“两种意义上的自由”过程:既摆脱了束缚,也失去了保护。
不同的利益群体在旧体制中受到的束缚与保护程度是不同的,相对而言,受到束缚少而得到保障多的群体会觉得这个体制比较公平,反之会觉得它不公平,并强烈地 要求变革。同样对于转轨过程而言,如果某个群体在此过程中摆脱的束缚多于他失去的保障,甚至是只摆脱束缚没有失去保障,他们会拥护改革并认为它是公平的。 而如果摆脱的束缚很少而失去的保障更多,他们就会感到不公平了。这两类群体孰众孰寡,就决定了整个社会对改革的接受程度,或者说是改革的“公平”程度。
与民主福利国家的价值体系相比,改革前旧体制的社会保障在其价值体系中的地位本来就较低,尽管旧体制的意识形态基础也有强烈的理想主义色彩,但这种“理 想”的基础是所谓“科学”而非人道,为了合乎科学、因而据说最终也合乎正义的目的而强制人们作出牺牲,是合乎逻辑的。苏联建国初期很有影响的普列奥布拉任 斯基的《新经济学》就把“苏维埃经济”的发展分为两个阶段,前为“社会主义原始积累”时期,后为“社会主义积累”时期。他认为发展普遍福利那是到了“社会 主义积累”阶段的事,而在此之前的“社会主义原始积累”时期,苏维埃的任务是“比资本主义更严厉地‘剥削’农民”来完成原始积累。因此苏联在整个斯大林时 代,农民在受到严厉束缚的同时根本没有什么福利可言,甚至不只一次地出现过饿死大量农民的“体制性饥荒”。如果那个时候发生转轨,农民的热情恐怕不会亚于 中国式的“改革奇迹”。然而历史并没有这样演进,而苏联毕竟在“理性计划”的安排下相对有效地利用了牺牲农民利益乃至生命换来的“原始积累”,完成了工业 化与城市化过程。到了勃列日涅夫时代,不仅农民人口已是少数,而且苏联工业的积累也已不必依靠“剥削”农民。相反地,工业“反哺”农业的过程已经出现。当 时苏联农业中不仅国营农场比重已经超过集体农庄,而且自1966年最高苏维埃通过“关于全苏集体农庄实行有保障的工资制”决议后,集体农庄成员的福利保障 水平也与城市国营企业工人大体相当了。于是当市场经济转轨开始时,苏联农民的感受与我国农民在1980年代改革时的感受相差悬殊,而与我国1990年代国 企改革时工人的感受却有类似之处:失去保障的“代价”成为出现严重问题和不公平感的根源。
而在一些东欧国家还有更为悬殊的情况:不仅捷克、东德等原来就已工业化的国家没有原始积累问题,像波兰、南斯拉夫等国,原来在共产党时代就没有搞集体化, 他们的农民一直是私有小农,拥有不亚于我国农民改革后才拥有的种种自由,而当时的体制为了增加意识形态对农民的吸引力,在农民人口比例不大而且工业化水平 较高的条件下给他们的小农提供了相当高水平的福利保障。如波兰1972年全国农民实行公费医疗,1978年全国农民实行退休制,同时还建立了国家财政支持 的农业产前产后服务系统(即所谓“农业圈”制度),而为了争夺对农民的影响力,教会方面也与政府展开“支农竞争”。如1983年教会就建立了20亿美元的 农民援助基金,向农民提供各种生产、生活保障。这样到了市场经济转轨时,他们的农民就与我国的农民处于完全相反的境况:他们原来就没有多少束缚需要摆脱, 而原来受到的高水平保障却有失去的可能。因此毫不奇怪,波兰转轨初期最抵触的阶层就是农民。
与这些国家不同乃至几乎相反的是:我国改革前体制的“原始积累”不仅力度大,而且由于缺乏“理性计划”浪费严重,以至尽管从数字上看到改革时我国产值中工 业的比重并不低,但它缺少自我积累的能力,一直处于靠“剥削农民”来维持的状态,致使我国农民在旧体制下受到比苏联、东欧更严重的束缚,而基本得不到什么 社会保障。一个突出的事实是:除了众所周知的三年大饥荒造成饿殍盈野的惨剧外,农村小规模的非自然原因饿死人现象从统购统销时代一直到1975年在档案中 都时有发现。周其仁先生曾说,改革前我国的工农业都是“国家控制的经济”,真正的区别不在于“全民”还是“集体”,而在于当时的国营企业是“国家控制、国 家承担控制后果”的经济,而农村人民公社则是“国家控制、农民承担控制后果”的经济。这实际上指的就是农民只受严厉束缚,而几乎得不到国家的什么保障。在 这种情况下,经济转轨初期对于农民而言几乎是无代价的好事,套用一句老话,他们在改革中“失去的只是锁链”。
改革前中国的人口80%以上是农民,仅这一点就决定了改革前期绝大多数人是受益者。而这一“公正性”又因改革起因于“走出文革”而进一步凸显。

经济学上有所谓“帕累托改进”的说法,指那种所有人都受益,只是受益多少而基本无人吃亏的过程。但是这样一种过程的实现在历史上其实很罕见。因为现实生活 中存在种种利益冲突,所以现实的改进通常都是“非帕累托过程”:或者是多数人受益少数人吃亏——一般认为这就是可取的;或者是少数人受益多数人吃亏——这 就不可取。而改变这些过程的“改革”或“转轨”也就面临两种情况:或者是改变了上述可取的过程,那就成了多数人吃亏的“不公平改革”;或者是改变了上述不 可取的过程,那就是多数人受益的“公平改革”。但是无论哪种情况,改革都有人吃亏,因而面临吃亏者的抵抗,或者至少是不合作。也就是说,无论改革总体上 “公平”与否,它都很难具有帕累托改进的性质。换言之,改变一种非帕累托过程的改革,一般都是另一种非帕累托过程。这几乎可以说是一个定律。
但是,如果有一种过程是所有人都吃亏,只是吃亏有多少而基本无人受益,那么我们可以说这是一种“负帕累托过程”。事实上,这样的过程历史上也很罕见,以至 于一般经济学著述只有帕累托改进和非帕累托改进的提法,根本没人谈论“负帕累托”的问题。但是如果出现了这样的过程,那么改变这种“人人都吃亏”状态的改 革自然就会使人人都得利 (尽管有多少之分)。亦即这种改革将具有帕累托改进的性质,这是不难理解的。
“文化大革命”恰恰就是这样一个历史上罕见的“负帕累托过程”。在那些年里,中国的“当权派”与“造反派”、社会精英与芸芸众生、知识分子与工农、汉族与 少数民族、高干子弟与“狗崽子”、“左派”和“右派”都先后被折腾得够呛,社会在一波波残酷的斗争中也被弄得满目疮痍。古今中外,很少有哪个运动能够这样 几乎“得罪了一切人”。无论今天面对改革中的弊端,社会上对“文革”的看法出现多少分歧,一个应当承认的基本事实是:在1975-1978年间,除了“四 人帮”等极少的若干人外,几乎所有人都希望“走出文革”——尽管他们对于走向何方可能并无一致意见。因此,当时邓小平走出“文革”的“改革”的社会基础也 空前地广泛,而且几乎所有人在改革初期也确实是得到了或多或少的益处。“改变负帕累托过程的改革自然就会成为帕累托改进。”
然而相比之下,绝大多数中东欧国家虽然体制弊病也很严重,却没有出现“文革”这样的乱世。不仅特权阶层是改革前“非帕累托过程”中的受益者,某些垄断部门 乃至受特殊照顾的集团也在集权体制中相对受益。因此他们的转轨也只能是从一种非帕累托过程走向另一种非帕累托过程,很难得到像我们“走出文革”那样几乎是 举国一致的认同。尤其在民主制下,“非帕累托改进”式的转轨充满复杂的讨价还价和艰难的博弈,所谓“休克疗法”其实只是一种理论想象。民主国家岂是谁想 “休克”就能休克得了的?倒是我们这里的“仇和现象”属于以铁腕手段强行“休克”的典型。——当然,那是下一阶段的事。1978年的帕累托改进是用不着仇 和的。

【中篇】“降低交易费用”的独特方式:中国奇迹1992-2001


■ 如果有一种过程是所有人都吃亏,只是吃亏有多少,而基本无人受益,我们可以说这是一种“负帕累托过程”。“文化大革命”是一个历史上罕见的“负帕累托过 程”。因此,邓小平“走出‘文革’”的“改革”当时的社会基础空前广大,而且几乎所有人在改革初期也确实得到了或多或少的益处。

■ 匈牙利经济学家沙巴说:东欧的前计划经济运行得相对成功,这使转轨成为“一次痛苦的长征”。而中国“文革”式的倒行逆施,则使得转轨“成为一场愉快的郊游”。

■ 1992年开始第二波改革,邓小平谈到中国改革经验时就认为:现存体制“有个最大的优越性,就是干一件事情,一下决心,一作出决议,就立即执行,不受牵扯”。

改革的“凯歌行进”与矛盾的积累

匈牙利经济学家沙巴说:东欧的前计划经济运行得相对成功,这使转轨成为“一次痛苦的长征”。而中国“文革”式的倒行逆施,则使得转轨“成为一场愉快的郊 游”。(Laszlo Csaba, ‘The Political Economy of the Reform Strategy: China and Eastern Europe Compared'. Communist Economies & amp; Economic Transformation.8:1(1996), pp.53-65)这确实有相当的道理。改革前中国式命令经济与中东欧理性计划经济相比的极端无效率导致她可以“无代价放弃”和“放弃即受益”(无论是改 行理性计划,还是改行市场机制都能得到纯增益),以及包括绝大多数国民(农民)处在有束缚而无保障的状态,而“文革”的“负帕累托过程”更使改革初期出现 了人人受益的帕累托改进,于是无论在效率还是在公平性方面,改革头十年都相当成功,而且无需付出什么明显的“代价”。
从1975年的“整顿”开始,中国在“走出文革”的基础上一方面苏式社会主义(理性计划)有一定程度发展,另一方面市场经济的因素也随之而兴。在这个时 期,计划理性化与初步市场化都给经济带来改善,而此两者亦渐由互补而至抵牾。大体而言,1975-1992年经济体制的演变轨迹是:
1975-1978年:工农业恢复经济核算,“唯生产力论”兴起,“以经济建设为中心”成为基本国策。
1978-1984年:以“大包干”形式下自负盈亏的家庭农场复兴为标志,农业首先开始出现市场化趋势。而城市工业进入“乔厂长”时代:强化科层管理与经 济核算,追求计划平衡与最优化。但是,“乔厂长”的能耐很快出现局限性,加上这时东欧的匈牙利、南斯拉夫乃至苏联自身都开始出现计划经济的末世特征和改革 的尝试,而在当时“反苏反霸”的国际大背景下这种尝试很快在国内得到回应。同时在国门打开后,发达市场经济国家乃至新兴工业化地区与苏联东欧的兴衰对比也 刺激了国人。而且,由于改革前我国并未发展起苏东式的“计划科学”与数理经济学,流行的旧式政治经济学除了宣示“政治正确”外的确缺乏学术魅力,甚至连促 进“计划理性化”的功能也没有,因而很快在西方经济学传入后显得陈腐不堪。就这样在农村因素、国际因素乃至经济思想因素的综合推动下,市场经济因素很快向 城市与工业领域传导。
1984-1989年:我国工业出现在国有体制下引进“市场调节”的趋势,即所谓“政企分开”。它包括财政分配上的“利改税”、投资上的“拨改贷”、流通 上的“双轨制”与经营上的承包制,乃至发生1988年的价格“闯关”。与此同时农村改革出现第二波:乡镇企业兴起,并且很快突破画地为牢的“拾遗补缺三不 争”限制,发展到“三分天下而有其一”的地步,在农村产值中的比重开始超过农业(种植业),农民也开始由“离土”而“离乡”,“非农化”之潮开始兴起,传 统的身份壁垒开始动摇乃至局部坍塌。
但是在这一过程中,改革初期的计划理性化与初步市场化双重增益现象开始逐渐淡出,计划与垄断(哪怕是“理性”的)与体现人们个性发展的市场自由趋势日益产 生矛盾。乡镇企业摆脱“给国有大企业拾遗补缺”和“不与国企争资源、争市场、争人才”的桎梏就是一个例子;而同时工业承包制导致的“短期行为”、“公鸡下 私蛋”、“个人负盈公家负亏”,双轨制下导致的“官倒”,也使改革的公正性开始出现问题。而导致1980年代末的改革危机。直到1992年“南巡讲话”, 改革才在新的基础上重新开始。
这样,依靠“过去的糟”来凸显“现在的好”这个中国奇迹的第一阶段便落下帷幕。依靠市场化与计划科学化双重增益提高效率、靠走出“负帕累托”实现相对公平的帕累托改进,这样无论在效率还是公平方面似乎都“无代价”的改革,已经近于尾声。

靠什么降低“交易成本”?
1992年改革“第二阶段”起步后,形势已经发生变化:一方面,苏联东欧体制的相继崩溃使得“计划经济”声誉扫地,在我国本来就先天不足的“计划科学化” 也失去了进一步发展为主导机制的可能。市场经济逐渐成为明确的发展方向。另一方面,1990一年后建立的体制成功地排除了左右两边的“争论”,也在很大程 度上消除了许多利益群体的博弈能力。中国这个“命令经济大家庭”在“父不慈子不孝”的状态下,“是否分家”的争论逐渐淡出,而“如何分家”的争论则被压 制,于是用一些经济学家的话说,“体制变革的交易成本”大大降低了。
这里应该指出,西方经济学中所谓的“降低交易费用”,是指保证各方交易(讨价还价)权利前提下,以整合契约的方式减少交易费用,而不是用剥夺一些人讨价还 价权利的方式为另一些人降低“费用”(用科斯的话说,就是用自由契约的企业,而不是用奴隶制来降低“交易费用”)。或者说,它是要降低全社会为维持交易体 制而付出的总费用,而不仅仅是用压制一部分人的办法为另一些人节省“出价”。但是在我们这里,“交易成本”理论的运用往往变形。
不过无论是否合乎原意,在我国既有制度约束下,这样的“降低交易成本”的确是“中国奇迹”在1992年后重新出现,乃至进一步发展的奥秘所在。如前所述, 民主转轨的东欧国家尽管在市场经济转轨中的“渐进”“激进”情况不一,但是都做不到我们这样的“降低交易成本”。不管是左派还是右派主导,转轨时期在她们 那里常见的景观是:“民主分家麻烦大,福利国家包袱多,工会吓跑投资者,农会赶走征地客。”这种“东欧困境”与“中国奇迹”形成了鲜明的对比。
于是,从1992年开始的第二波改革,其基本特点有二:其一是改革的帕累托改进色彩不复存在;其二是“在市场化进程中以集权降低制度转换的交易成本”成为“奇迹”的主要原因。
这个时期通过几次重要的大会,主流理论已从1980年代的“计划经济为主、市场调节为辅”改变成“放弃计划经济,建立市场经济”。通过价格并轨而基本实现 了产品价格的市场化。在“现代企业制度”的名义下,我国的大批企业从承包制到“明晰产权”、“置换身份”,在“掌勺者私占大饭锅”色彩浓厚的背景下完成了 “转制”与“重组”。反思改革开放三十年,客观上呈现出如下特点:
与民主转轨国家一般都先搞民主私有化、后搞重组“增效”相反,我国一般都在产权改革之前先用国家权力来排除工人的讨价还价,实现了“减员增效”,避免了私 家老板裁员要克服工会阻挠的尴尬;然后已完成减员的企业才脱去“国有”帽子,恰在这时出台的“就业优先”(只要不继续裁员可以不计较资产卖价)客观上给规 避市场经济中正常的公开竞价机制,为“能人”以内定价格“置换”资产创造条件创造了空间。于是想裁的工人都裁了,要送的资产也都送了。如此交替呈现的“科 斯主义”和“凯恩斯主义”,加上仇和式的铁腕,就比许多民主转轨国家更顺利地完成了大批企业的产权改革,而且据说“交易费用”很低。产权改革配合“招商引 资”,使投资日益强劲,经济日趋繁荣。
与此同时,农村改革又先行一步:1996-1998年间主要采用管理层购买方式基本完成了“乡镇企业转制”。在多数农村,那些老百姓无法监督,因而也难以 公平分配的“公产”已经被不明不白地瓜分完毕,只剩下摆在光天化日之下、无法盗窃和隐藏,但却最便于公平分配的土地,却一直保持“公有”而不能落实为农民 的财产,而客观为后来提供了以备将来“圈地”之便。同时,1994年开始的分税制改革强调财政上中央集权但不集责,出现所谓“财权上收,事责下放”的趋 势。一方面上级财政的“汲取能力”迅速扩大,国家得以“锦上添花”强化投资,大城市基础设施日新月异,另一方面基层教育、医疗等公共品供应出现短缺,尤其 以农村为甚,而在维持“事责”的名义下,农民负担却日益加重,以至出现“农村真苦,农民真穷,农业真危险”的呼声。这样改革初期农民“失去的只是锁链”的 情况明显地逆转,农民成为新一轮发展中主要的受损者。尽管高层注意到农民问题的严重性,并且下了大决心,通过2003年以后的免税改革减轻了农民负担,但 是方兴未艾的“圈地运动”又成为农村紧张的新土壤。
这个时期各种金融工具与虚拟经济也获得了空前的发展。国有垄断加上虚拟经济金融工具的有效组合,一方面为大批金融-房地产富豪用“批地加贷款,空手套白 狼”方式的崛起创造了条件,另一方面使国有垄断部门进一步疏离公共职能而凸显其特殊利益,形成“新国有化”与“权贵私有化”左右手联动的“原始积累流水 线”。

【下篇】全球化中的“中国竞争力”:2001年以来的中国奇迹

短 短十余年间,中国制造的商品洪流般充满世界,世界各地的资本潮水般涌进中国。中国成为“世界工厂”似乎指日可待。持续多年的高速增长增强了国力,也使许多 国人日益自信。如果说1989年的电视政论片 《河殇》还在忧患中国的“球籍”,那么2006年又一部热门政论片则在预言“大国崛起”了。

1992年后的十五年来中国所取得的进步是巨大的。但是另一方面,这十五年积累的问题之多也不容忽视。十五年来,中国借助铁腕体制降低“制度变迁的交易成本”,避免了一些民主转轨国家疲于应付的各阶层频繁博弈的“拖累”,实现了空前快速的原始积累。

这些年来,一方面规范化法治化的竞争规则正在形成,由此人们的自由得以增进;另一方面当代福利国家的种种进步也使中国的公共服务建设加快。可以说,文明世界的自由主义与社会主义(不是斯大林主义)都在全球化中对我们有所促进,这也就是我们支持改革开放的原因。

全球化中的中国奇迹:“资本内逃”与“三顺差”

1992年以来的第二轮改革,给中国带来的变化举世有目共睹。而2001年的两件大事标志着改革开放进入了某种意义上的又一个新阶段:这一年“入世”的成 功使中国大踏步地进入全球化过程,而“9·11”事件及随后的全球反恐使西方注意力聚焦于伊斯兰地区,淡化了中美矛盾,促进了双方合作并改善了中国的国际 政治环境。两者都对中国市场经济的发展起了空前的推动作用。
新阶段除了延续1992年以来的进程外,还有几个明显特点:第一是经济加速,而且这种加速具有明显的外向型特征。有数字为证:“入世”后中国的外贸总额五 年呈三倍之增,从2000年的4743亿美元飞速增加到2005年的14221亿美元,2007年更达 21738亿美元。而顺差更是出现爆炸式增长:2004年为 320亿美元,2005年 1019亿,2006年达1775亿,到了2007年更增长到令人目眩的2622亿。不仅绝对值增长越来越快,相对增长率也越来越高:2007年与 2001年相比6年增长11.6倍,而最近三年竟增加了8倍还多!(http: //finance.sina.com.cn/roll/20080111/13301925575.shtml
刊中国新闻网报道;《海关总署: 2007年我国外贸顺差达2622亿美元》,《上海证券报》2008年1月12日)而流入中国的FDI则连续多年居世界第一(按有的统计口径则仅次于美 国)。2007年中国的经济不仅外贸依存度(外贸额与GDP之比)已经很高,外贸顺差率(顺差与外贸总额之比)也已高达12.1%,而战后时代曾经维持外 贸顺差额全球第一时间最长(长达21年)的德国,其顺差率最高的一年也就是这个水平。(1988年为12.7%,见《帕尔格雷夫世界历史统计 欧洲卷(1750-1993)》,经济科学出版社2002年,616页)除了石油输出国之类“天然顺差国”外,在世界主要贸易大国中这种情况很少见。
更耐人寻味的是:入世前我国的双顺差总额(贸易顺差与FDI之和)经常高于外汇储备增加额,人们普遍认为这意味着当时存在严重的“资本外逃”,并为此忧心 忡忡。但入世后这些年情况完全倒转:尽管双顺差总额高速增长,但外汇储备的爆炸式增长更厉害,外汇储备增加额反过来显著高于双顺差总额。许多人认为这是国 际投机资本(“热钱”)隐蔽地涌入中国的结果,并由此产生了另一种担心。然而,我觉得“热钱”固然有,甚至那些非法聚敛的资本也可能仍在“外逃”——只是 资本流入额更大,但是,那些流入的资本未必都是热钱。事实上,“热钱”冷钱都是资本,都寻求赢利最大化,两者并无绝对的界限。如果“热钱”流入后一直不撤 走(由于人民币升值与资本涨价两大预期持续存在,这是完全可能的),也要寻求长期投资可能。而更重要的是,在外资争相涌入中国的情况下,中国已经提高了进 入的门槛,并不是只要并非热钱就都欢迎。于是在国际资本过剩、理想投资场所不足而中国又有下文将述及的诸多引资“优势”的情况下,即便长期投资者也可能 “前门进不来进后门”,从而表现为外汇储备增加额中高于双顺差之和的那些“误差和遗漏”项。如果说这也是资本的一种“逃”术,那就不是中国资本“外逃”, 而是外国资本(为躲避他们的工会、福利制度等 “民主社会主义”的压力,或者为规避民主制下的“交易成本”)而“内逃”中国了。
中国资本“外逃”意味着腐败与非法聚敛,外国热钱流入则意味着金融风险,这两种问题今天无疑仍然存在。但是如果长期投资者也踊跃到了“前门进不来进后门” 的程度,那就意味着中国的确成了他们心目中的投资乐园。这些并非纯投机的资本不是“恶意炒家”,(当然是在“恶意收购”这类语词的意义上。资本进来不是为 了搞慈善,即便“善意收购”也是为了赚钱,这是没有问题的)他们是确实想在中国长期赚钱的。他们如此看好中国,至少从经济增长的角度看当然是积极现象,说 明中国的市场经济建设的确有显著成果。而在整个外汇储备增加额与双顺差总额的平衡账上,从入世前大量资本“外逃”造成赤字“遗漏”,到如今更多的资本“内 逃”带来反向的巨额黑字“遗漏”,在入世前中国已经存在的“双顺差”(经常项目顺差与资本项目顺差)基础上,入世后又出现了“三顺差”(国际收支总平衡账 的 “误差与遗漏”项也由负数变成了正数),这可以说是新阶段的第二个特点。经常项目顺差意味着商品输出,资本项目顺差意味着资本输入,而“误差与遗漏”顺差 则意味着前两者比账面反映的更大,尤其是资本输入可能不只像某些年份有的统计口径说的那样“仅次于美国”,而是不亚于美国。于是,人们似乎有理由认为那些 “唱衰中国”的人已经输了,而看好中国的观点得到了证实。——当然,这只是在经济增长(或者说GDP增长)这个角度看。

“共识破裂”:改革争论的激化
短短十余年间,中国制造的商品洪流般充满世界,世界各地的资本潮水般涌进中国。中国成为“世界工厂”似乎指日可待。持续多年的高速增长增强了国力,也使许 多国人日益自信。如果说1989年的电视政论片《河殇》还在忧患中国的“球籍”,那么2006年又一部热门政论片则在预言“大国崛起”了。两部片子,真可 谓给人沧桑之感!
随着外向型增量的膨胀,经济的“游戏规则”也继续变革。2001年以来,在“改革”方面中国确立了“市场经济”目标,在“开放”方面中国实现了加入WTO 的愿望。尽管这个“市场经济”前面还有“社会主义”这个意识形态限制词,但现在世界上绝大部分国家的市场经济也是有限制词(“社会市场经济”、“福利市场 经济”等等)的,而且除了官府的垄断与特权仍然严重外,中国如今对“市场经济”的其他“限制”(公共福利、劳工权利、社会保障、非营利部门发展、环保限制 乃至宗教传统的约束等等)绝不比所谓“发达市场经济国家”多。以至于像张五常先生等人最近称赞“中国比美国更自由”,而李嘉诚先生在疾呼警惕“民主化造成 福利社会”之余似乎并不担心民主的阙如会妨碍市场利好。另一方面,中国加入WTO虽然有过渡期特殊条款的保护,但这过渡期并不长,中国在全球化中“与国际 接轨”的速度应当说是相当快的。
无疑,1992年后的十五年来中国所取得的进步是巨大的。但是另一方面,这十五年积累的问题之多也不容忽视。十五年来,中国借助铁腕体制降低“制度变迁的 交易成本”,避免了一些民主转轨国家疲于应付的各阶层频繁博弈的“拖累”,实现了空前快速的原始积累。然而社会公正问题也越来越突出。我国如今不仅收入分 配的基尼系数不断升高,而且更重要的是因垄断和特权造成的升高没有说得过去的理由,使得大众的不公平感比同等基尼系数下的国家更高。我国如今不仅存在着公 共品供给的不足,而且还叠加了“公共品缺少公共性”的体制弊病:早在改革前的旧体制下,收入高者享受更高的公共福利,而收入低者公共福利就享受得更少, “二次分配”不是缓解了,而是加剧了初始分配的不平等。这个弊病在如今单向度的市场化改革中不仅没有被克服,反有加剧的趋势。体制缺陷形成的“扩权容易问 责难,卸责容易限权难”,使得“放权让利”的改革变成了“弃责争利”,公共服务部门放弃服务责任,利用公共资源大肆“创收”,同时却凭借垄断权力排除来自 民间的竞争……
这一切终于冲破了“不争论”的樊篱,导致了近年来相当尖锐的“改革论争”,这成为新阶段的第三个特点:先是在对“掌勺者私占大饭锅”的批评持续多年之后, 以“郎咸平旋风”为契机发生了激烈的国企改革争论,接着“医改报告”又引发了以医疗、教育问题为中心的公共品供应改革争论,以及以物权法和农民问题为中心 的经济社会改革争论,等等。这些争论把1997年那场“自由主义与新左派”的“主义”之争深化为一系列的“问题”辩论,它们的种种现实利益背景已经穿透意 识形态的表象而凸显出来,从而使争论变得相当激烈,以至于有人惊呼“改革共识已经破裂”。显然,这些年来,中国经济的快速发展并没有像有些人设想的那样 “把饼做大”就能缓解“分饼不公”的矛盾,而是出现了经济发展与内部外部矛盾同步持续深化的现象。“上访潮”持续攀升,“群体性事件”大幅度增加。 1992年这轮改革初起时,人们曾试图把体制合法性建立在经济增长上,当时常说东欧垮了而我们没垮,就是因为我们经济搞得好。但是现在,经济高增长和社会 不稳定同时发展的现象使人对此说日益怀疑。如果说在意识形态上“不争论”不失为邓小平的智慧之举,那么在利益矛盾方面不允许博弈,就有极大的风险。


“尺蠖效应”与改革的调整

然而在现有体制下人们如何进行博弈呢?这些年来改革政策乃至改革战略不是没有调整,甚至可以说调整之频繁举世罕见,以至民间有“初一十五不一样”之讥。然 而似乎怎么调整都不对劲,这就是所谓的“尺蠖效应”:就像那一放一缩却只朝着一个方向移动的尺蠖,我们的政策一“左”,老百姓的自由就减少,但福利却难以 增加;政策一“右”,老百姓的福利就收缩,但自由却难以扩大。一讲“小政府”官员就推卸了责任,但权力却依然难以限制;一讲“大政府”官员就扩大权力,但 责任却仍旧难以追问。“右手”大动,公共资产就快速“流失”,但老百姓的私产并无多少保障;换上“左手”,老百姓的私产就受到侵犯,但公共财富仍然看守不 住。“一个萝卜两头切,左右都是他得”。于是客观上的“尺蠖效应”的进一步突出,成为新阶段的第四个特点。
就拿前一阵成为舆论热点的“医疗改革”来说吧,当初说是医疗福利萎缩和“过分市场化”使人看不起病,出路似乎在于加大政府垄断;然而不久就有权威消息披 露:中国如今的公费医疗开支竟有80%花在领导干部身上,这样的“福利”,究竟是谁之福,谁之利?增加这样的“公共品”,能改善老百姓的医疗吗?再如: “郎旋风”之后中国开始反对所谓“新自由主义”,一时似乎风向转“左”,没收陕西石油民企、在重化工等基础领域搞排挤民资的“新国有化”、划定国有垄断行 业等“大政府”政策纷纷出台,然而与此同时,新一波“股改”却采取了本质上近乎“国有股白送人”的私有化方式,其“右”的程度远远超过“郎旋风”之前的一 切国有股减持方案。吴敬琏先生略表批评之意,立即招来一阵骂声。也是,前些年为了国企“圈钱解困”,长期大熊市把高位跟进的广大散户小股民坑得够呛。如果 当初听吴先生的,在国企未改革不急于设局圈钱,那样就不会有这么多人被坑。既然被坑了,在股指已跌去三四成时用现今的股改方式来补偿,也算是补偿了被坑的 股民群众。然而那时不补,愣是让股指从2300多点跌到900多点,大部分小股民已经无法承受巨亏,被迫“断腕”退场,只剩下实力雄厚的大庄家等着“抄 底”了——这时“国有股白送”的改革才大举出台,客观上给抄底者奉送了3000亿元的净值财富!(《股权分置改革使流通股东财富增3000亿?》,北京普 蓝诺财经顾问中心:《每日财经专讯》第1237期,2006年7月20日)真叫来得恰到时候!郎咸平也好,巩献田也好,这时却不吭声了。如此尺蠖般的一收 一放,国有资产也送掉了,小股民的私产也亏掉了,只有那些有来头的抄底者两头通吃,既发了“国有化”的财,也发了“私有化”的财,你说这是“左”还是 “右”呢?
中国的很多调整都表现出这种客观上的“尺蠖效应”:今天强调加快城市化,便大举剥夺农民地权“圈地造城”,但农民进城后却得不到平等待遇;明天强调控制城 市化和“复兴农村”,便限制、取消农民迁徙权,但官府依然可以圈他们的地。今天说土地紧缺要“保护耕地”,于是就打击“小产权”,严禁农民卖地,但官府依 然想“征”就“征”;明天又说土地宽松可以放手开发,于是官府掀起圈地大潮,但农民土地仍然不许入市……显然,形成这种怪圈的原因就在于那种“权既不受 限,责亦不可问”的体制。在这种体制下即使政策设计者出于好心,实行起来却往往“扭曲”,跳不出“权家通赢”的圈子。而宪政下的“天平效应”(政策趋左会 增加人民福利,趋右则增加人民自由)则很难发生。
而中国与世界的双向互动扩大,尤其是中国对世界产生了前所未有的影响力,则是新阶段第五个、也是最重要的特点。

“中国的全球化”与“全球的中国化”
回想2001年入世时,国内外的议论很多。而主流的议论是两种:一种人说,中国这种体制不适应经济全球化竞争,关起门来还凑合,在开放的全球化竞争中肯定 要垮下来,这就是所谓的“中国崩溃论”。这是比较悲观的说法。还有一种说法比较乐观,说全球化会加速中国融入普世价值、接受国际规则。首先是接受市场经济 规则,将来还会接受法治、宪政民主等等。这就是“世界改变中国”、开放使中国进步,这当然是国人所希望的,也是世界人民所希望的。
应该说这种可能的确存在,这些年来,一方面规范化法治化的竞争规则正在形成,由此人们的自由得以增进;另一方面当代福利国家的种种进步也使中国的公共服务 建设加快。可以说,文明世界的自由主义与社会主义 (不是斯大林主义)都在全球化中对我们有所促进,这也就是我们支持改革开放的原因。
但我觉得,除了上面这两种可能外,其实全球化背景下的中国还有第三种可能。入世这些年来,中国表现出来的“竞争力”恐怕是连自己都没有想到。贸易与资本项 目的“双顺差”爆炸式的增长,GDP爆炸式的增长,城市化也是爆炸式的增长。全球资本涌入中国,中国生产的商品涌向全球。这和所谓的“中国崩溃”预言无疑 是相反的。
但是,在这一过程中中国与全球的影响是双向的。特别是中国这个经济体的庞大,决定了她的影响力很可观。这些年现代文明的基本准则对中国的影响的确相当大。 纵向地看我们在自由与福利两方面的进步也不小。但是同时,中国也正在“和平演变”全世界。由于中国因素的加入,这些年来世界主流的两种主要规则,即自由市 场制度与福利国家制度都面临着空前的挑战。由于我们今天的全球化主要是市场的全球化 (而且市场中也主要只是商品与资本在全球流动,劳动的流动性就差得多),而不是人权的全球化,无论是今天文明世界左派强调的经济社会权利,还是右派强调的 个人自由权利,都还远没有成为一种普遍规则。于是,一种既缺少个人自由也缺少福利保障的体制,在“只做买卖不问其他”的条件下不仅仍然可以在这种全球化背 景下存在,甚至可以表现出一种“劣币驱逐良币”的“优势”。这种体制下崛起的经济体如果足够庞大,它将在全球化中迫使全世界的福利国家降低福利标准,同时 也迫使自由国家重树贸易壁垒,这个趋势越来越明显。
现在国际上有所谓的“中国威胁论”,它主要是强调中国国力的强大会对他人构成威胁。这样的说法无论在事实上还是价值上都是必须驳斥的:一方面中国的国力如今远未强大到足以威胁别人,另一方面中国人也有权发展不亚于他人的国力。
但是,如果不是讲“国力”变化导致国际冲突,而是讲不同体制之间的优劣互相影响的话,那倒是可以说,尽管改革前我们经常大言要用意识形态理想“解放全人 类”,但那纯属夜郎自大;而今天,一百多年来中国第一次有了“和平演变”他人的可能,但是这种演变既不是向人家输出“儒家文化”,也不是输出“社会主 义”,当然更不是输出自由主义。而是用一种“低人权”的竞争“优势”使人家也不得不向“既低自由、也低福利”的方向发展。如果说几年前一群讨厌“自由放 任”的左派经济学者提出“北京共识”还并不令人惊奇,那么讨厌“福利国家”的张五常先生最近宣称“天下大势将是欧洲学美国、美国学中国”就很耐人寻味。而 曾经预言历史将“终结”于自由民主的弗朗西斯·福山如今也出版了新书《出乎意料》,把“世界转向‘中国式社会主义’”列为未来可能发生的七大“意外”之 一。可见这种趋势不容小觑。
我们现在所有的要素似乎都极有“竞争力”:比如劳动力,印度等国在劳动力充裕而廉价方面不亚于我们,但我们的劳工之逆来顺受全无集体谈判权却是他们不可企 及的“优势”。与劳力相反,我们的土地本来非常稀缺,但却拥有世界上最有“效率”的圈地机制,圈占广州附近的大片膏腴比人家圈内华达沙漠还容易。我们环境 和资源禀赋不佳,但没有讨厌的公民社会捣乱,要占用它们就免了许多“麻烦”。我们的公共财政在公众福利方面捉襟见肘,而使用“公共财政配套”来“招商引 资”却非常慷慨。在所有这些方面,他们不管社会党还是保守党谁能与我们竞争?而那些“民主分家麻烦大,福利国家包袱多,工会吓跑投资者,农会赶走圈地客” 的民主转轨国家就更不可能创造我们这种“奇迹”了。减少“交易成本”以提高“效率”是国外经济学的一大发明,但以剥夺一些人交易权利的方式为另一些人单方 面降低“交易成本”的主意却是他们想不出来的。

“第三种可能”有利于中国人吗?
自由经济的优势主要在于创新,在于它那源于人的自主状态的创造性。但是如果就单纯劳动过程来讲的话,很难说是不是自由经济最有效率。美国经济学家、诺贝尔 奖得主福格尔曾证明,南北战争前南方奴隶制经济比北方自由经济更有效率。(R.W.Fogel, Time on the Cross: the Economics of American Negro Slavery. Little Brown,1974)经济学家多马也讲过,东欧的二度农奴化在历史上曾极大地提高了他们的竞争力。(E.D.Domar, The Causes of Slavery or Serfdom: a Hypothesis. in Journal of Economic History, 30(1),March.1970.)东欧很多国家大概在13、14世纪农奴制度就已经解体了,但是那个时候普遍是小农。16、17世纪由于商品性农业崛 起,很多人发现农奴制大庄园又有了它的活力,因为它比自给自足的小农更能提供商品粮。当然也许自由的大农场也可以,但要让小农自由兼并成大农场那慢死了, 不如把他们重新农奴化。而且在二度农奴化过程中这些国家确实一度变得相当有竞争力,包括波兰、俄国很多国家都是这样。
在封闭的状态下,这种命令经济对注重创造性的现代自由经济不可能具有优势,因为“低人权”极大扼杀了人们的主动精神和创造力。但是在全球化、在市场经济全 球化但又没有人权全球化的背景下,就有了这样一种可能:自由经济的创造可以被缺乏创造性但善于模仿的强权经济比较容易地接过来,再依靠强权的优势把它“高 效率”地产出。于是在这样一种游戏中就可能出现:福利国家竞争不过低福利国家,低福利国家竞争不过低人权国家。
于是至少在经济学领域,这十年来出现的明显变化是:过去那种左派(福利国家或凯恩斯主义者)看好中国而右派(自由竞争论者)看衰中国的状况如今大有改变。 由于这些年的经济高增长,尤其是2001年以后经济发展在国际要素的影响下又有了进一步的加速,国际上左右两派经济学现在都在唱中国的赞歌,都想用中国经 济的高增长为他们各自的理论提供证明。于是“左派欣赏这里的低自由,右派欣赏这里的低福利”。有些人高调称之为“北京共识”。其实“共识”可能夸张,同样 称赞中国的人其称赞的理由往往是相反的。但无论是否“共识”,他们都喜谈“中国经验”则是事实。
遗憾的是:这些经验就像“慈禧餐桌上最远的那道菜”:好看不好吃。中国的这一套,他们无论左派还是右派谁能学得了?
现在外资和中资在交流过程中经常碰到这种现象,比如我们的传媒多次出现这样的标题“中资海外投资遭遇工会陷阱”。(朱晓雪、王嘉徵:《首钢:秘鲁的血色黄 昏》,《环球企业家》2004年9月 总第102期;盛立中:《学会同工会打交道 中企海外扩张遭遇工人运动》,《南风窗》2004年10月18日)外国人一到中国来就说中国工人多么听话,土地可以随便圈,工人可以随便使,资源环境也可 以随便弄,没有国外那些NGO在那里捣乱,整个过程使得中国在全球化中成为一个资本吸纳机器,又成为一个商品输出机器。其外部效应就是:中国的“竞争力” 现在大有扫平全球工会、逆转劳资关系、压低百年福利之势:一方面“低人权优势”下的廉价品大输出,一方面“无工会经济”对全球资本的吸纳,他们的工人还有 什么讨价还价的筹码可言?但这并不意味着自由竞争的体制日子就会好过到哪里去。在中国的“优势”下,自由竞争也面临很多问题,以至于连美国这样的国家都在 那里重竖贸易壁垒。
但是,这样的“优势”对我们国内也造成严重问题,以至于“顺差爆炸”弄得里外不讨好:中国人抱怨西方开动印钞机就卷走了咱们的血汗,西方人抱怨我们的廉价 货砸了他们的饭碗。这个过程虽然造成了GDP和各种经济指标的大提高,但是中国广大的公众从这个过程中到底能获得多少利益,这是值得考虑的。
由于目前这种全球化在发达国家导致工会萎靡、福利倒退,它受到西方左派的强烈抨击是不难理解的。市场经济中劳资双方的谈判地位首先取决于劳资两个要素的供 给状况:劳动过剩、资本稀缺则劳方地位削弱,资本过剩、劳动稀缺则劳方实力增强。其次也取决于政治体制:在民主国家由于劳工人数众多,“多数政治”会使 “劳动过剩”时劳方地位也不至于太削弱,而资本过剩时劳方地位却会进一步增强。对于发达国家百年来穷人福利的巨大进步,西方历来有两种解释:左派认为是人 民斗争的结果;而自由派认为是市场经济下资本过剩导致的自然趋势。这两种解释其实并不矛盾:发达国家的民主福利体制的确既是劳工民主运动的成果,同时也与 资本主义长期发展后资本过剩、削弱了资本的谈判地位有关。然而冷战结束后的全球化增加了资本出路,面对工会,资本学会了“惹不起,躲得起”——躲到“低人 权”国家。资本外流加剧了本国劳动的相对过剩,劳工讨价还价的实力大减,工会雄风不再,福利体制陷入危机,所以西方左派要反全球化。
然而对于资本流入的中国来说,其效果本应相反:本来在体制下劳工的谈判能力就被人为压缩,如果在市场逻辑中资本相对过剩,劳工的处境还好些——外资的进入 就有这种功能。如果我们对外资关闭国门,或者人家对我们的商品关闭国门,那我国的资本将更稀缺,劳动相对地就更过剩,劳工就更无法讨价还价了。所以中国的 “左派”也跟着西方左派一起“反全球化”实在是不明事理。至于中国给外资“超国民待遇”,一些地方官商勾结压制劳工,甚至外商愿意让步而某些官员仍要镇 压,那是不民主的结果,是“低人权”的问题,与资本流入与否无关。今天中国固然有官府与外资官商勾结压制劳工之弊,但与内资的官商勾结(如引起关注的“官 煤勾结”,更不用说垄断部门以权谋利)之弊难道不是更严重吗?
关键的问题在于:发达民主国家支撑劳工权益与福利制度的两大因素在中国都“缺位”:资本相对于劳动既更为稀缺,而真正有博弈功能的工会农会又没有。所以我 国如果真的有所谓左派的话,它需要做的不是像西方左派那样在已有民主的前提下希望堵住全球化来维持工农的谈判地位,而是乐见市场全球化但不满足于此,还要 通过“人权全球化”,即在人权方面(对于左派来说尤其是社会民主、劳工权利、福利保障等“经济社会权利”)“与国际接轨”,来争取工农的谈判地位。
而在这种努力尚未结果时,面对中国的竞争力,国外经济学界出现的一种奇特的现象,就是“左派称赞中国低自由,右派称赞中国低福利”。但我怀疑,这种现象在 不远的将来就会变成左派批评中国低福利、右派批评中国低自由。现在所谓的人民币升值问题,所谓中国产品安全性问题,只是一种非常边缘化的涉及。大家都知 道,实际上真正的症结既不在于汇率,也不在于所谓的安全性问题。最后人们就会发现,实际上真正的问题还是在体制上。2001年以后的全球化起了一个作用, 就是把中国的国内矛盾稀释到全世界,这里讲的稀释不是消解,因为实际上它并没有消解,但是通过吸纳全世界的资本、向全世界输出商品的模式,提高了我们的就 业率,的确有助于中国国内的稳定。但是这种效应实际上是把一百多年以来其他国家形成的劳资关系格局、各个利益集团形成的均衡给打破了,因此他们的问题就多 起来,而且左派、右派都没有什么办法。

对“中国经验”望洋兴叹
例如,虽然从改革以前我们就喜欢拿印度来比较以显示“社会主义优越性”,但是过去印度人其实很看不起中国,甚至在1980年代改革使中国经济加速、真正明 显地超过了印度的情况下,很多印度人仍然不以为然。但在近几年的“全球化”中,尽管印度自己的经济也明显加速,并进入历史上发展最快的时期,但许多印度 人,无论左派还是右派,对中国却发生了前所未有的羡慕乃至“嫉妒”与焦虑。2004年印度塔塔财团就派人来华,想向中国转移资本,把汽车生产线搬到中国, 以躲避他们那里难惹的工会。只因外资争相涌入下我们已经看不上印度,才没谈成。到了2006-2007年,印度左、右派出现了比赛学中国、但却都碰了壁的 奇观:先是右派执政的马哈拉施特拉邦孟买市当局要学中国“经营城市”,声称要“15年赶超上海”,但是第一步的强制拆迁就碰到了力量强大的“刁民”而遭铩 羽。然后左派印共(马)执政的西孟加拉邦要学中国搞经济特区,结果一上马又碰到组织能力强大的农民,陷入“农会赶走圈地客”的尴尬。面对“中国经验”,他 们无论左派还是右派都只能望洋兴叹,而对我们的学者而言则多了个民主制增加“交易成本”的“恶例”。
即便是发达国家,在中国的“竞争力”面前也存在着“左派无法减自由,右派无法降福利”的“困境”,于是一些“英雄”开始冒头:西方的传统政治格局本是左派 主张福利国家,右派主张自由放任,一般来讲右派主张小权力政府,左派主张大责任政府。但是最近西方政治中已经开始出现一种“向中国看齐”(当然未必是自觉 的)的苗头,开始出现了一些政治家,他们一方面强调政府的权力要扩大,另一方面强调政府的责任要推卸。例如2007年5月法国大选出来的萨科奇,你很难说 他是传统的右派还是传统的左派。你讲他是传统右派,他却是主张大(权力)政府的,萨科奇有处置2005年移民骚乱的背景,很多法国人都说他是主张警察治 国,主张收缩自由的。但同时他又对法国的福利国家体制深恶痛绝,要削减福利,因此他当然也不是左派。通常在西方政治中,主张削减福利的人都是主张进一步扩 大自由的。主张限制自由(至少在经济方面)的人又要求扩大福利。现在出现一个既主张削减自由也主张削减福利的人,这在西方的政治格局中应该说是个新趋势。
当然与我们相比,他们还差得远。在法国自由与福利也许真的都太过分了,萨科齐的做法在一定范围内也许是合理的,我并不认为萨科齐的出现就意味着法国已经在 走向“中国化”。但这种苗头、或者说这种可能性你不能不看到。而如果法国真的“中国化”我们中国人就会高兴吗?要知道体制上“中国化”与利益上“亲中国” 完全是两回事。今天在国际政治上萨科齐更是与其说“亲中国”不如说亲美。但如前所说,中国体制的诱惑不同于中国国力的“威胁”,体制的影响不同于国际政治 的亲疏,当年中苏两大命令经济国家势同水火、毛泽东甚至希望联合美国抗衡苏联就是最好的例子。即便是国际政治上的反华派,就不会羡慕那种自由与福利都“双 低”的“优势”吗?就不会想学了这种优势后力量壮大、再更起劲地“反华”吗?当年国人有曰:“师夷长技以制夷”,今天别人就不想“师华长技(如果那也叫 ‘长技’)以制华”?
但统治者再羡慕,只要宪政民主还存在,他们就学不了这一套,而且也不可能一直容忍这种在我们“双低”优势面前的被动状态。这就是“左派称赞中国低自由,右 派称赞中国低福利”的现象会变成“左派批评中国低福利,右派批评中国低自由”的原因,但问题当然不在于别人的批评,我们自己能够一直接受这种状态吗?
因此在30年后的今天,国人正面临新的选择,改革也面临新的考验。有人说“改革”如今已经成了个“不名誉的词”,这恐怕言过其实,但是那种单一维度的“经 济改革”名声的确越来越差。还有人说要重新凝聚“改革共识”,其实如前所述,1978年的“共识”植因于“走出负帕累托过程”的背景,这种条件本来就极其 稀罕,以后也恐难再有。但是正常的社会必然有利益的多元,古今中外的改革也大都是在争议中实现的。所以“共识”少了、争议多了未必就是灾难,最可怕的是连 “共同的底线”也找不到,由于缺乏宪政机制,不同的利益诉求缺乏合理的博弈与互动平台,从而由“权家通赢”导致“赢家通吃”,如果因此造成危机,那过去 “节省”的“交易成本”恐怕就会变成需要偿还的“高利贷”了。
30年来中国改革的巨大成就,谓之“奇迹”并不过分。然而,看不到成就后面的阴影是不祥的。中国改革仍然雄关漫道、任重道远,而且尤其在过去一直在回避的那些领域需要有真正的突破。

Friday, February 8, 2008

谢国忠:全球股市崩盘 沪市仍高估100%

http://money.163.com/08/0208/09/445V5B9H00251OB6.html

2月5日著名经济学家谢国忠在他的博客中以《暴风雨即将来临》为题发表文章,以下是全文。

美国已 经开始了衰退期,日本看来也这样。中国也在很进取的紧缩。油价已经过了一百美元。当2008刚刚开始,闪烁的星星看来已经为一场完美的暴风雨做好了准备。 恒生指数可能会在未来三个月下跌百分之二十。市场可能在奥运效应的刺激下,在第二季度出现复苏。但是在投资者尝到甜头之前,他们必须先吃到苦头。

2008 是全球经济的拐点。现在的牛市是从2003年中开始的:美国从911,中国从非典的震惊中醒来。两者都经历了死亡的感觉,于是决定,不管怎样,需要好好活 着。于是,美国开始了借贷消费,最典型的画面,就是刚刚开门的沃尔玛门口的长龙。而中国人则把钱投入了房地产,然后是股市,看着它们上升。典型的画面就是股价牌前的人龙。两者花钱的方式不同,但是却有相同的结局。

好了,晚会总有结束的时候。美国的已经结束了,中国的可能还有一点点时间,但是也可能很快会经历倒退。因为美国的影响,加上政策制定者对于通胀的恐惧,使得他们提前把风球挂上,即使只是暂时的。而这些的混合,可能会导致香港市场的暴风雨的到来。

牛市依靠增加的利润和便宜的资本。之前大家受益于中国过去三年超过百分之十五的经济增长,以及快速的资产折旧带来的利润分享。但是宏观调控会影响这一切。紧缩政策会让快速增长减慢大约百分之二十。这会让经济利润分享的上升趋势出现逆转,特别是在房地产以及金融业的影响。中国的企业盈利在2008年可能会减少一半,房地产和银行会成为最大的受害者。

尽管联储局减息,美国经济依然走向衰退。次案危机显示出了购买华尔街复杂金融产品的风险。这 阻止了国际资本流向美国。而外资是美国的信贷消费的支撑。除非华尔街的信心恢复,不然美国没有足够的资金被消费。要恢复外资对于华尔街的信心需要时间。联 储局的政策是没有用的。它的减息政策只会导致美元更加弱势以及通胀加大。而结果,美国会出现好几年的通缩。

美国的衰退会让国际投资者增加风险意识。由于国际资本仍然主导香港股市,因此会看到明显的流出。另外,美国的很多金融机构出现资金短缺,因此他们会从香港抽出资金。在1998年,日本银行因为缺乏资金,而从香港抽回大批资金,在2008年,美国的金融机构可能会这样做。

那末内地的资金会来拯救香港吗?可能时间不够快。中国内地的资金可能会在最近回到A股市场。尽管A股的价格远远比香港的H股要贵,但是乐观的市场气氛对他们很吸引。中国内地的投资者可能是非理性的。但是他们有足够的非理性的投资者来推进市场在非理性中上升。而香港市场对于那些中国内地投资者来说过于理性,而中国内地股市成为国际市场调整中的一个天堂。

联储局的减息的效果可能没有从前那样有效,香港房地产市场的需求,依靠的是股市而不是工资收入。工资的增长没有比通胀多多少。美国的减息并不能够像以前那样刺激香港的打工仔去购买房地产。人口老龄化也是房地产的影响因素,就好像日本,即使是零利率,也没有造成房价上升。对于乐观者来说,香港房价的顶峰可能已经抵达了。

到了第二季度,国际金融市场可能会冷静下来,在经历了美国衰退之后。内地的资金可能再回到香港,在底位进行投资。国际投资者可能已经克服了对于美国拖累中国经济的担心,香港股市可能复苏,但是同时,美国市场还是石头一块。

奥运效应可能不会持续长久。夏天之后,投资者会面对现实。很多中国的公司只是在玩概念,不是长久性的。很多可能只是一个空壳,除非真的被投资银行放入了市场。记得这样一句话:名声大不再意味着什末。中国的紧缩政策会让那些资金流不足的公司显现出来。而这些情况的暴露可能会影响信心。

香港和上海的空气在奥运后可能会紧张起来。通缩的过程可能会很痛苦。但是会让中国的资本市场发展得更加健康。很多“股神“已经淹没在香港和上海的股市中。他们的15分钟的操盘造成的损害远远要比PARIS HILTON严重的多:他们把那些家庭主妇的钱,吸引到了那些高估价的股票里面。更糟糕的事,在牛市的时候把这些钱占为己有。

泡沫总是用同样的方式发生。投资银行先把那些所谓的公司上市来赚回手续费。于是在一些财富杂志上就会出现一些新的面孔。当这样的表演停止,于是这些面孔就消失了。一些人就会逃到泰国的森林里面,带着不法得来的现金。小人物总是输的。我们必须避免同样的错误再次发生。

(2月4日谢国忠博客文章)眼下,全球股票市场已经崩盘,许 多人将此归咎于美国的衰退。不错,这确实是原因之一,但更重要的是全球银行资本损失引起的流动性萎缩。当商业银行向央行借贷,货币就被“创造”出来。过去 几年,全世界的银行在信贷扩张中获得了巨大的利润,它们劲头十足地扩张资产负债表上的项目,从而向全球金融系统注入了数量巨大的流动性。

现在我们知道,这些利润只是会计上的幻觉。银行一直靠一些废纸来博取收益,所以,现在的损失 不过是抵消昨日高估的利润。虚假的利润导致了流动性过剩和资产价格的高估。当资本金减少,银行就不得不卖掉资产,付给央行现金以还债。当虚假的货币消失, 全球资产价格也就恢复到了正常水平。央行再怎么降低利率,也无法让这个过程逆转。

沪市仍高估100%

从香港说起。面对全球流动性波动,香港市场总是比较脆弱。香港的希望基于13 亿中国人来购物的梦想,但事实上却依赖于国际资金。当全球银行紧缩资金,香港市场就会受到重创。投资者通过对冲基金两面下注,导致了市场波动,却不能根本 改变市场价格。当银行抽出资金,资产价格会发生调整,以适应更低的流动性水平。1998 年香港市场曾经崩溃,当时很多人怪罪对冲基金,但最重要的原因,其实是日本银行机构因为本土损失而撤回资金。现在,历史又重演了。我想强调的是,目前发生 的一切都是正常的。2007 年8 月,恒生指数还在2万点以下,随着散户追随那些突然出现的“股神”而涌进市场,这一指数猛冲到了3 万点。相对于一年前的情况,现在的指数水平是相当合理的。从市净率来看,港股一点也不便宜。香港市场还有一个风险,那就是保证金交易。许多散户投资者都是 在2007 年10 月保证金借入最多的时候涌入市场的,而当市场衰退,追缴保证金就会带来卖出的压力。正是同一批投资者,还是用借来的钱,推动了香港高昂的楼市。我担心,未 来几个月香港经济会因为股市和楼市的衰退而受到重创。

由于A 股和H 股价差拉大,A 股市场也已经开始调整。以中国石油(行情 股吧) 为例,1月22 日其在香港以9.61 港元收市,在上海则是26.18 元人民币,也就是说上海的价格比香港高出193%。这个巨大且越来越宽的价格鸿沟,正在损害上海投机者的信心。我相信,虽然已经有所调整,上海市场还是被 高估了100%。不过,经历上一轮调整后,中国的股评家们将会抛出其他理由来鼓励投机者。其最主要的论点是,中国与众不同。他们会要求投资者对价差抱着 “一直朝前走,不要朝两边看”的态度。中国有13 亿人,其中大概有数千万是易于轻信的,只要股评家们能让这些人相信他们,这个泡沫就能持续到北京奥运会以后。现在的调整只是屋顶上的风波,真正着陆还要等 到奥运会开完。

美国不必救市

现在,全球金融市场已经如此庞大,其变化足以影响到真实经济。因此,各国政府和央行必须对市 场风暴做出回应。某种意义上,它们已经成了市场的人质。为了应对亚洲股市崩溃,美联储1 月22 日将基准利率削减了75 个基点。美国政府也提出1450 亿美元的一揽子财政方案,其中主要是对家庭和企业的退税。这些动作不可谓不大,但不足以阻止经济衰退或熊市的到来。相反,美国的这些政策将导致其经济进入 两到三年的滞胀(经济增长停滞与通货膨胀并存)——比方说,2%的GDP 增长,伴随着4%的通货膨胀。通过货币市场,滞胀还将扩散到欧洲。新兴经济体的增长可能更高一些,大概是6%- 6.5%的增长率(过去三年是7.5%),但一样会有高通货膨胀。总而言之,未来两年最大的投资决策就是如何应对通货膨胀上升和经济增长放缓。米尔顿 &S226; 弗里德曼曾论证,通货膨胀总是货币现象,价格最终总是等于货币供给除以商品服务销售额和货币流通速度的乘积。经济学家通常假设,货币流通速度不会改变,因 为人们的行为模式在一两年内是稳定的。对发达经济而言,这个假设正确,但在发展中经济就不一定是那么回事。例如在中国,货币流通速度可能发生显著改变,即 使政策没有变化,单单心理变化就能引起通货膨胀或通货紧缩。

让事情更复杂的是资产市场和真实经济对货币的争夺。因为政府不把资产价格计算进CPI 中,货币增加首先会抬升资产价格,由此带来的结果是高资产价格、低通货膨胀。但“天下没有免费午餐”,最终高资产价格将引发高需求,从而导致通货膨胀。当 通胀预期增加,人们不再愿意持有货币,使得货币流通速度增加,进而更推动通货膨胀。在纳斯达克兴起和“9&S226;11”之后,美联储将利率降 到1%并保持了很长时间,这是全球资产泡沫及目前信贷危机的根源。华尔街发明了越来越多的产品,努力把资产膨胀变成消费者可用的钞票,这增加了通货膨胀的 压力,迫使美联储提高利率。而高利率让资产泡沫破灭,然后就是所有这些滑稽的信贷产品的崩盘。对于这个过程,降低利率也无力回天,美联储的低政策利率再不 能像以前那样增加需求。全球银行的资本在流失,它们必须保留相当于资产规模8%的资本金,每失去1 美元的资本金,就得缩减12 美元的资产。次贷危机中,所有银行累计损失了1000 亿美元,照此计算其资产规模减少了1.2 万亿美元。

未来,次贷、信用卡、车贷可能还会带来1000 亿美元损失。全球银行系统资产负债表的缩水是无法避免的,也不应该避免。银行在不真实的利润中扩张得太大,我们看到的这一切只是回归正常。当银行系统的资 产负债表变得正常,世界各地的资产价格也将回归。美联储正在进行的是一场伪战争,因为根本没有必要去战斗,这是市场力量在起作用。

尽管很多人在谈论恐慌性抛售,但资产价格仅仅是在接近其真实水平而已。当然,经验证明,只要 给美国人钱,他们就会花掉,这次也不能指望相反的情况。政府刺激经济的资金将在 2008 年春季释放,到三季度经济将稳定下来。财政刺激能在短期内支撑经济,但从长期看,它只会让问题更复杂。美国不是花得太少,而是花得太多。

对美国经济而言,衰退正是在解决问题而不是问题本身,与之作战从长期来看只会适得其反。美国 总是期待经济增长。一般来说这是好事,因为对增长的信心能刺激人们成为企业家,而企业家的生产行为促进经济增长。但这种增长文化的负面效果是容易导致刺激 过度。现在的衰退说白了是在为过去“借来的增长”还债,在这个意义上,市场是公正无私的。但是,决策者们却将衰退视为不能接受,一定要采取刺激措施去抗拒 它。市场总是会对不现实的行为进行惩罚,美国货币和财政刺激的结果就是高通货膨胀和疲软的美元。

更多的刺激措施还会出台。美国政府会在2008 年末启动一个更大的一揽子刺激计划。这些刺激措施可能通过拉长调整过程而减少短期的痛苦,但其成本是高通货膨胀。有些人说经济疲软将压低通货膨胀,我对此 表示怀疑。现在,通货膨胀已经是全球性现象了。由于食品和能源价格上涨以及美元的疲软,美国正在进口通货膨胀。进一步说,需求疲软对通货膨胀的负面影响将 被生产率下降部分抵消。而美联储和联邦政府的刺激措施将令局面更加恶化。上世纪80 年代初,美国就曾经采取紧缩的货币政策和宽松的财政政策,其后果即是贸易赤字缩小、美元贬值,二者都会推动通货膨胀。

全球通胀路径

美国的滞胀将会影响到其他经济体,欧元区尤其危险。由于商品价格上升和高速货币增长带来了日益严峻的通货膨胀压力,欧洲央行保持着紧缩的货币政策。欧元成了美元之外备选的储备货币。当全球央行都把部分储备转换为欧元,它们就引入了美联储向欧元区释放的流动性。

面对当前的金融乱局,欧洲央行仍然坚持不变,因为其经济基本面仍然是坚实的。但到2008 年中,人们就会清楚地看到,欧元区也面临一场衰退。作为欧洲增长发动机的那些国家——比如德国——都是出口导向的,欧元的强势正对它们造成伤害。2008 年上半年,欧元还将继续走高,最终将导致欧元区增长动力丧失。2008年欧洲央行会被迫降低利率,然后欧元就会变弱。这会打开欧元区阻止通货膨胀的最后一 道闸门,该地区也将经历两年左右通货膨胀高于增长率的情形。但相对美国,欧元区滞胀不会那么严重。日本早已进入衰退,不过其通货膨胀不大可能再上升。日本 就像全球化进程中的超导体,每当别的地方发生情况,立刻就传到日本。其重要之处在于,它是利差交易的资金来源。如果投机者对全球经济看好,他们就以 0.5%的利率借入日元,然后买进像欧元、澳元这样利率更高的货币,在看空的时候则进行相反的交易。日元价值和人们对世界经济的感觉同步波动,这种风险偏 好的最佳指标就是欧元-日元比率。这个比率从四年前的大概100升到了2007 年将近170 的峰值,现在则是155——这显示,全球金融市场上的风险偏好仍相当高。

新兴经济体早已经历了颇高且上升的通货膨胀。中国和印度的通货膨胀率已经胶着于5%到10% 之间。新兴经济体的增长仍然是强劲的,与之前惊人的速度相比是慢了一点,但放在历史上看还是相当高的。造成新兴经济体和发达经济这种“脱钩”的主要原因, 是前者的高额外汇储备。虽然它们的出口增长在2008 年将放缓,但还是有足够的货币来支撑投资。要预测它们的通货膨胀率是否会超过GDP增长率,现在为时尚早。但是,等美元在2009 年探底之后,这些经济体也会进入温和的滞胀期。经济脱钩并不会延伸到金融领域,因为这些经济体的股票市场中有大量的国际资金,它们也将面临萎缩的全球流动 性。

上面的分析让全球通货膨胀问题生动起来。其大致是说,各国央行在低通货膨胀时期放出了太多货 币,这些货币进入资产市场并导致通货膨胀,但央行不接受它们的政策带来的通货膨胀后果,继续宽松的货币政策;强劲的资产市场引起强劲的需求增长和超长的通 货膨胀,当央行为了对付通胀而紧缩货币,资产价格就会下跌;而由于资产紧缩引发需求疲软,央行不愿减少货币供给以控制通胀,从而它们过去放出的货币将变成 通货膨胀;最终,昨日的资产膨胀变成了今天的CPI 通胀。

虽然通货膨胀率很高,世界各地的债券收益率还是相当低,因为投资者相信需求疲软会拉低通货膨 胀。他们很可能是错的。等滞胀景象变得明显,债券收益率会急剧上升,那时债券就值得买了。为应对低且还在下降的短期利率,人们应该持有现金。而那些愿意承 担风险购买债券的人,将会赚到大钱。

谢国忠:中国没有巴菲特,茅台神话终会破灭

(2月2日博客)巴菲特对中国人来说毫不陌生。最近,他的名字出现得更频繁了。因为很多人把他们在中国股市的成功,归因于运用了巴菲特的智慧。

中国真的出现了越来越多的巴菲特式的投资者吗?是不是这样的原因使市场创出新高?我思索许久,却得到相反的答案。很多自以为模仿巴菲特的人,其实是在投机。中国的股市正处在泡沫和过度的狂热之中,这是巴菲特最不愿投资的市场。

香港之鉴

很多人都在目前这轮牛市中大发其财。当然,这也是一种成就。不过,赚钱就意味着接近巴菲特了吗?我表示怀疑。

伟大的投资者需要经历时间的考验。巴菲特在他一生中创造了年均28%的收益水平,这相当于 10年中增长11.8倍或30年中增长1645倍。我认识的一些投资者从2005年中开始的牛市里已经取得了6倍至10倍的收益。在这么短的时间内取得这 样的回报是很不容易的,但这并不能把他们变成巴菲特。他们的成就可能来自技巧,也可能来自运气。事实上,一些强有力的证据表明,他们的成功完全得益于市场 趋势,即运气,而不是个人的投资技巧。这样赚到的钱来得快,去得也快。

1997年,香港股市楼市飘红,投资气氛炽热。似乎每个人都投身股市或楼市,很少有人能在白 天专心工作。有人不无嫉妒地跟我说, “起台风的时候,连猪都会飞。”的确,很多人都变得非常富有,至少当时是如此。但务实的香港人把他们挣的钱花在名牌服装之类的东西上,而不在意把自己标榜 为巴菲特。尽管每个人都明白在这样的市场投资是走钢丝,但没有人相信泡沫破裂就在眼前。

当时,很少有人能想到,泰铢这样一种次要货币的崩溃会摧垮整个牛市。泰铢崩盘造成了“多米诺骨牌”效应。日本的银行是东南亚重要的债权人,他们在这场经济危机中损失惨重,资产负债表大幅缩水。他们也是香港的债主,在危机爆发五个月后,他们开始从香港市场撤资。

香港股市在1997年秋天开始暴跌,至1998年夏天到达底部,此时的恒生指数已较高点时跌去三分之二。而不动产的价格在一年中下跌了一半,在2000年高科技泡沫时经历短暂复苏后,又持续下跌,直到2003年的SARS时期才触底,累计跌幅达75%。

泡沫破灭给社会带来了巨大的痛苦。整整一代香港人在熊市中长大,未来在他们眼中一片暗淡。他 们在自己思维定型走向成熟的年纪里,经历着资产价格不断的缩水。这令他们在一生中都不敢冒大的风险。这就是为什么现在的香港楼市在种种狂热之中仍然表现温 和,价格仅相当于1997年危机前水平的一半。

市场的反转非常迟缓。开发商不得不暗地里打折销售。只有在金融业集中的地段,地产价格才出现 了明显的上涨。这其实是全球流动性泡沫的一部分,因为泡沫使得对冲基金和私募股权投资基金迅速壮大。这些基金在为他们的投资人赚取第一块钱之前,先要收取 2%的管理费,这笔收入使他们居住的街区的房价猛涨。

中国故事

类似的故事可能正在中国的一些城市发生。飞涨的股市和十年前的香港市场惊人的相似。城市里不断流传着投资某只股票暴富的神话。其中,被谈论最多的一只股票是 贵州茅台(行情 股吧)。传说的一个典型版本是:一个退休者把他所有的储蓄都买了茅台股票,现在成了亿万富翁。茅台股票的估值水平之高令人咋舌,其业务量也因为股市的繁荣而扩大——股市上涨带来的财富效应加大了对50年陈酿茅台的需求。

但我有点疑惑的是,究竟有多少50年陈酿的茅台酒?难道它们在“文革”时没有被红卫兵毁掉吗?不过,只要有大量资金竞相追逐,茅台的神话就会延续下去。

巴菲特也成为茅台故事的一部分。故事是这样讲的:第一,茅台是中国的名牌;第二,中国人喜欢茅台;第三,随着经济发展和财富增长,人们会消费越来越多的茅台。所以,根据巴菲特的原则,应当长期持有这只股票。

但是,这个故事缺少了巴菲特价值投资中的两个重要元素,一个是估值,另一个是盈利模式的可持续性。巴菲特的根本原则是在合适的价格买入一家好公司。但当一家好公司的股票以100倍市盈率交易时,这通常是一笔坏的投资。好公司和好股票并不能画等号。

对茅台酒的需求也存在疑问。茅台需求的一大部分是来自招待官员。当一种商品被政府官员相中之 后,其价格就会飙升,因为商人会不惜代价地购买它。不过,茅台属于高度酒。全球范围内,考虑到健康的原因,高度酒的消费已连续20年下降。中国也会面临这 一趋势。到医生告诫官员们不要再喝茅台酒的时候,再看看茅台的价格吧。尽管茅台有一个好的品牌,它的价值仍取决于公司未来能否不断调整自身以适应市场口味 的变化。它的未来并不像多数投资者现在想的那么安全可靠。

金钱会改变人。我注意到,新的暴富阶层有一些独特的地方。他们最新养成的两个生活习惯是饮茶和谈佛。

关于前者,我指的不是普通的喝茶,而是像法国人谈论葡萄酒那样谈论茶。这并没有什么不好,但这确实给市场带来了真实影响,陈年普洱茶的价格暴涨。你也许不会把某种茶叶的价格上涨和股市联系在一起。但是你会看到,当股市泡沫破裂时,普洱茶价会走向何方。

佛教是另一个热门话题。富人的精神需求本身并无任何坏处,但它造成了佛像等商品的价格上升。当看到如此众多的人都拥有罕见的佛教物品时,我免不了会想:这些东西以前都在哪儿呢?

巴菲特法则难有效

除了茶和佛,谈论巴菲特是最为时髦的。在发财以前,人们不会介意财富是来自遗产还是彩票。但发财以后,人们希望其他人相信,他们的富有是因为自己特殊的能力。自然地,那些在股市里淘到金的人们就把自己的故事描绘得像沃伦巴菲特那样。

有些人的确是因为聪明才智而发财,但大多数人只是运气好——碰巧在正确的时间入市。但我不能确信,有人已经做到巴菲特那样。中国股市还没有成熟到让巴菲特的法则有效地发挥作用。

首先,让我们来看看投资表现。在股权分置改革后,上证综指大约在2005年中到达800至 900点的底部。从那以后,这一指数已经上涨了350%。这样的表现,部分原因是新股上市首日就被纳入指数计算。去年下半年,政府改变了这种做法。另外, 由于新发行的大型国企的股份在指数中占有很大权重,目前的指数和两年前有较大的不可比性。所以,你手中的股票可能没有上涨350%那么多,我估计收益水平 大约在200%。

如果市场涨到原来的三倍,很多高风险股票可能涨得更多。例如,细价股(small cap stocks)通常在牛市中涨幅更大,同时在熊市中跌幅更大。这种股票被称为高β值股票。

β系数是一只股票相对于整个市场的相对波动幅度。成熟市场细价股的β系数大约在1.5左右,也就是说,它们的波动比市场要大三分之一。我粗略估计的结果是,中国细价股的β值已经超过2。因此市场上涨2倍,它们会上涨5倍。

很多中国的投资者喜欢吹嘘他们的收益率。因为他们通常持有细价股,如果他们自2005年中以 来收益超过500%,他们就跑赢了市场。如果持有风险更高的股票,他们的收益甚至可能更高。因此,高收益率并不意味着投资表现好。获得相对于市场整体更高 的收益,也就承担着相对市场整体更大的风险。

与 β值相对应的是α值。α是通过好的选股策略而非增加风险水平所带来的超过市场平均水平的收益。例如,如果两只钢铁股在同样的估值水平上交易,聪明的投资者 会选取质量较好的那一家。假以时日,这只股票的表现会优于大势。这种超额回报就是α。很多对冲基金都宣称自己是α的创造者,从而收取更高的管理费(例如 2%,而平均水平为0.5%)和利润分成(投资收益的20%)。

事实与此相去甚远。最近的学术研究表明,对冲基金的良好表现主要是β 而非α的作用。例如,很多对冲基金都集中投资于热门大宗商品、细价股或新兴市场,这些部门在宏观趋势下表现强劲,这都属于β一类。不过,有人认为,基金经 理选择了正确的行业,因此他们的表现不仅来自运气。这方面的辩论还会继续下去,但无论如何,他们的表现与选择了好公司关系不大,而这才是α的本质。

中国的投资者借用巴菲特来解释他们的成功,我想现在还为时过早。巴菲特的方法,是选择好的公 司并在低价或合理价格时买入。这种方法通常排斥那些快速上涨的热门股,因为热门股的定义就是高估值。例如,巴菲特的方法在高科技行业就不大有用。苹果公司 在五年前被乔布斯收购后,其股票上涨了10倍。这完全是因为他创造非凡新产品的能力。巴菲特的方法会忽略这一方面。这就是为什么巴菲特错过了20世纪90 年代的科技股繁荣。

巴菲特方法选出的股票一般上涨得更稳健,而不是更快。相反,中国的投资者着迷于热门股。人们推荐股票时给出的目标价格通常是在一年内有数倍的涨幅,这很难成为一个巴菲特式的目标。

中国的股票经常是不论质地好坏,齐涨齐跌。市场中的股票总是不停地在变,巴菲特的方法少有用武之地。 招商银行(行情 股吧) 和万科是能够持续为股东带来回报的少有例子。占据市场的国有企业更多地凭政府政策实现盈利。从长期看,这种政府保护行业的风险是很高的。民营企业则通常依 赖于某个创始人,如果这个人因某种原因离开,公司很快会陷入困境。这些特点使巴菲特方法在中国的市场上很难适用。这就是为什么很多投资者像巴菲特那样侃侃 而谈,同时进行的却是短线操作。

巴菲特的方法只在于实现α。这需要有一个上市公司众多的成熟市场。美国股市有近万家上市公 司。“二战”以后,美国经济还从未经历过萧条(即GDP负增长超过 5%)。相反,美国经济在19世纪几乎每十年就经历一次萧条。那时,就算是巴菲特,也难以成功。经济的巨大稳定性给了巴菲特法则发挥作用的机会。在这个意 义上说,他也是交了好运。

总之,我怀疑眼下对巴菲特的热议只是牛市的产物。当泡沫破灭时,不会再有多少人提起他。当上 海A股超过 2500 点时,中国股市就进入了泡沫状态。泡沫也有它的自然寿命,它是由人的心理驱动的。一场股市泡沫持续三年也是可能的,并能让市盈率超过60倍,也就是正常估 值水平的4倍。

中国投资者经常把泡沫破裂与政府干预联系起来,认为只要政府不干预,泡沫就可以永远存在下 去。这是错误的。泡沫会自己破裂。美国在1929年、日本在1989年就是如此。香港的崩盘是由外部干扰引起的,科技股泡沫则因产能过剩在2000年破 裂。你永远都不知道泡沫会怎样破,但它们总是会破的。

Friday, February 1, 2008

社会性网络解释观点的演化

Computer model hints at how opinions evolve

A computer model of the way opinions evolve in social networks has shown why two groups holding opposing views can quickly become reconciled or remain at odds.

The key, say European researchers, is how strongly the groups communicate with each other. The work could explain how language differences persist across geographic boundaries and how political thought can quickly become polarized.

To model the evolution of opinions, researchers led by physicist Renaud Lambiotte of the University of Liege in Belgium imagined two groups, initially isolated, whose members gradually begin to talk to members of the other group.

They supposed for simplicity that individuals hold one of two opinions, assigned randomly at the start. People then change their views by a “majority rule” – each person tends to adopt the opinion that is held by a majority of those with whom they are linked in the social network.

Solving their model mathematically, the authors found that when the two groups were isolated or nearly isolated, people within each group quickly came to share one opinion but the groups were as likely to agree as disagree with each other.

Tipping point

As Lambiotte and colleagues began adding social links between the groups. But they found no change, at first. The two groups continued to form opinions independently.

But rather than a gradual increase in the way opinions “leak” from one group to the other as more connections are added, the researchers found a surprise when the number of links between the groups reached a precise threshold. Suddenly, the final opinions of the two groups were always identical. Even a few extra links between groups were enough to “tip” their final opinions from a state of full polarization to full agreement.

“We didn’t expect such an abrupt transition,” says Lambiotte. “It implies that even a small change in network structure can lead to drastic consequences.”

Political poles

Lambiotte and colleagues suggest the results may help to explain why polarized communities can suddenly emerge rather than gradually appear. In the US, for example, researchers have noted an extreme and persisting polarization among bloggers expressing either Democratic or Republican political views. If most bloggers tend to read only those who agree with them, Lambiotte points out, groups associated with these differing positions can easily persist.

The work may also help explain why languages remain distinct across geographic borders rather than merging into a common tongue. The researchers argue that the same dynamic may preserve differences across boundaries where communications links are weak.

It may also help to account for the existence of small communities who use products different from the majority, such as Mac users in the graphic arts, Lambiotte suggests. But the model hints that the existence of these communities may be tenuous because even a small amount of interconnection could lead to their blending back into the majority.

The researchers hope to make more realistic models in the future, going beyond binary opinions and the strict majority rule. “There are still plenty of open questions,” says Marcel Ausloos, Lambiotte’s colleague at the University of Liege. “But we think the basic process is likely to remain the same.”

以下是参考译文(根据材料0605 40631143的翻译修改而成):

社会性网络解释观点的演化

为何持对立观点的两群人可以在短时间内意见统一或依然保持分立?一个基于观点在社会性网络中演化的计算机模型解释了其中的原因。

欧洲研究人员称,这里的关键是人群间交流的强度。这项成果可以解释语言差异是如何由地理界线而保持的,以及政治思想是如何在短时间内变得两极分立。

为了模拟观念的转变过程,由比利时国王大学(the University of Liege)物理学家Renaud Lambiotte领导的研究人员设想了最初相互隔离的两群人,其中的成员逐渐地开始进行和另一群成员的交流。

为了简化实验,他们假设每人起初均随机地被指定持两种观点之一。接下来人们按一个“多数决定原则”交换意见——每人都倾向于接受他们在社交网络中接触的人们中多数人的意见。

用数学方法分析模型时,研究人员发现当两群人是隔离的或近乎隔离时,每群人会很快地持有共同的观点,但是两组之间观点的一致与否却不一定。

临界点

随后Lambiotte及其同事开始在两群人之间增加社交联系。起初,他们并没有发生变化,这两群人依然互相独立地形成观点。

但令研究人员惊讶的是,两群人的观点并未随着其间联系的增多(观点的渗透)而逐渐趋同,而是在最终联系的数量达到某一特定的极限后,突然达成共识。甚至仅在两组间增加几个联系就足以将他们的最终观点由完全分立的状态颠覆至完全统一。

Lambiotte称:“我们没料到会有如此突然的转变。这表明社交网络中哪怕很小的改变都能得到极其不同的结果。”

政治民意

Lambiotte及其同事认为这一结果可以解释对立的政体为何能突然产生而非逐渐出现的原因。以美国为例,研究者们注意到网志作者们中代表民主党 或共和 党观点的极端、持续两极对立的现象。Lambiotte指出,如果大多数网志作者倾向于仅阅读与其观点相同的文章时,与此两种不同观点相关的群体很容易持 续存在下去。

此项成果还可以解释为何在地理边缘的两侧语言可以保持截然不同的状态而非融为相同的语言。研究者们推断,同样的原因可以使交流沟通较弱的地区边界两侧保持差异。

Lambiott指出这项研究还有助于解释那些与大多数人使用不同物品的小团体的存在,比如创意工作者中Mac(苹果电脑)的使用者。但模型也揭示,这类团体的存在可能是十分脆弱的,因为仅仅很少的相互联系就能导致他们融合到大多数中去。

研究人员希望能在将来作出超越二元观点和严格“少数服从多数原则”的更加具有现实意义的模型。“仍有许多悬而未决的问题,”Lambiotte在国王大学的同事Marcel Ausloos说,“但我们认为基本的研究步骤将保持不变。”

Sunday, January 27, 2008

2007猪肉路线(大事记)

http://www.my1510.cn/article.php?bc6a778a4d57642c

我国是猪肉消费大国,2006年国内猪肉总产量为5197万吨,占世界猪肉产量的一半。民间有猪年节节旺之说,没想到2007年这个金猪果然旺了,自年初“肉市”价格就一路走高。5月成为一个转折点、一个多事之月,当月股市疯涨,创下历史新高;猪价飙升,也创下历史新高。在那个春夏交替之际,猪肉一跃成为继股市之后最热的关键词。
虽说导致此轮席卷全国肉价上涨的因素很多,但一般而言,5、6月份本该是猪肉的消费淡季,如此反常的大幅上涨,必然引发全民的关注。随着猪肉价格的飙升,其它与猪肉相关的产品价格如牛羊肉类、鸡蛋、水产品和其他食品的价格也略有上涨。5月份全国牛羊肉的均价上浮了1元左右,鸡蛋、食用油等终端消费品的价格都受到了影响,市民的消费压力逐步加剧。
5月26日,国务院总理温家宝专程到陕西对生猪生产进行实地调研,指出:“解决13亿人的吃肉问题还得靠农民。肉价涨一些有利于调动农民的养猪积极性,但涨到一定程度后要保持平稳,通过市场调节的办法,让农民养猪能挣钱,城里人特别是低收入家庭又吃得起肉。”并针对如何遏制肉价过快上涨提出了7条意见:
一、要切实抓好生猪生产,对饲养母猪给予适当补贴,保护母猪生产能力;
二、要组织好猪肉和其它副食品的市场供应,做好采购工作,增加市场投放,切实做到不断档、不脱销;
三、要严格控制玉米深加工的盲目发展,确保国内市场饲料供应;
四、要加强市场质量和价格监管,维护市场秩序,搞好检验检疫,严肃查处哄抬价格等违法行为;
五、要加强猪肉等副食品生产需求和价格的监测,完善应急预案;
六、要关心困难群体的生活,根据猪肉价格上涨情况,适当提高低保标准;
七、要加强舆论引导,全面准确报道市场供应和物价情况,反映各地区各部门采取的措施,维护社会稳定。
5月27日,国务院办公厅根据温家宝总理提出的7条意见所发布的红头文件中,基本对涉及整条养殖产业链上的分管部委都做了工作指导,包括最基础的“抓好生猪生产”;为加强对市场中间环节治理的“组织猪肉市场供应”和“严格价格监管”;“确保饲料供应”是对猪肉上游原料的控制;“适当提高低保标准”是为了提高低收入人群对市场风险的抵御能力;“完善价格检测”、“加强舆论引导”是剔除阻塞价格信息流通的壁垒,理顺供求关系,有利于“削峰填谷”,抑制猪肉价格进一步上涨。
5月29日,国务院办公厅就做好猪肉等副食品生产供应保持市场稳定工作发出通知。通知指出,今年4月份以来,各地区生猪及猪肉价格出现不同程度上涨,其中一些大中城市价格涨幅较大、上涨过快。这次猪肉价格上涨的主要原因,一是受生猪生产周期性波动影响;二是受去年疫病影响,年末母猪饲养量和生猪存栏量下降,导致供给减少;三是玉米价格上涨导致饲养成本增加。生猪及猪肉价格适度上涨,有利于增加农民收入,调动农民积极性,促进生猪生产,但上涨过快将带动其他肉类及禽蛋等副食品价格和餐饮业价格上涨,影响低收入居民的生活。通知要求,各地区、各有关部门要高度重视,切实做好工作,保持市场稳定。一要认真落实“菜篮子”市长负责制,及时解决猪肉等副食品生产、供应、价格和市场管理方面的问题,确保市场供应和价格的基本稳定。二要切实抓好生猪生产。
5月30日,商务部市场运行调节司的监测数据显示,仅5月份的前20天,全国36个大中城市每公斤猪肉的平均批发价格已经达到14.5元,较去年同期上涨了40%以上,几乎创下了大部分城市肉价的历史新高,也是十年间的最高水平。与此同时,商务部、农业部、国家发改委、交通部等在内的10多个国家部委局都陆续出台了各种紧急应对措施,联手要为正在飙升的肉价进行快速“降温”。据相关资料显示,5月25日,陕西、黑龙江、吉林、河北、辽宁等地区,猪肉批发价(均价)已由16.3元/公斤的顶峰价回落至14.6元/公斤。
5月31日,国务院发展研究中心一位研究员在接受媒体采访时表示:日益火爆的资本市场彰显了过剩资本的巨大流动性——从虚拟资产的暴涨到资产价格的暴涨,再到消费品价格的暴涨——通货膨胀的趋势非常明显,而作为终端消费品的猪肉价格的反季节暴涨,正是通货膨胀由原材料链条传递到消费品环节的某个特征。“对猪肉价格的控制只是一个开始,中央政府和各个国家部委要面临的将是越来越多的各种各样的‘疯狂的猪肉’。”
有分析师认为:在国际粮食价格持续上涨压力不减的情况下,即便有国家部委的强力调控,国内的食品价格仍然有可能会在短期平稳之后持续上涨。而且,在国内经济需求持续强劲的情况下,价格上涨的形势从食品转向其他商品价格共同上涨的可能性也在增加。
7月3日,一位叫“公民证”的网友在奥一网发帖,称为抵制高肉价,无论在家还是在饭店,自己将三个月不吃肉、不买肉,并号召市民和网友加入他的行列,希望通过集体不吃猪肉来缓解供求矛盾,同时表达自己对近期猪肉持续涨价的抗议。在接受记者采访时他说,听妻子抱怨最近肉价一直在涨,自己到超市看了一下,发现肉价确实比半年前涨了近一倍。“房子可以暂时不买,租房子住,肉可没地方租。”连他这个白领都感觉到了肉价上涨的压力,普通工人和农民的负担就更不用说了。
7月18日,全国36个大中城市猪肉价格再次平均上涨10.5%,猪肉价格的一路上扬,让许多老百姓“望猪兴叹”。陕西省自5月27日起,对肉禽蛋、水产品的价格实行每日监测报告。对猪肉价格加强分析预测,加大了对猪肉等副食品生产、供应、销售环节价格的调查。陕西省商务厅厅长李雪梅表示,西安市民不必为猪肉的供应问题造成恐慌,陕西是猪肉产地,货源相对比较充足。因此猪肉价格不会有太大变化。当日,华润万家猪肉零售价为:精瘦肉10.2元/市斤,猪排8元/市斤,猪后腿7.98元/市斤
8月7日,《人民日报》以《正确看待当前的价格形势》为题,刊登了发改委负责人就当前价格形势的采访问答。发改委负责人称,正确看待当前的价格形势,我们首先要分析价格上涨的原因。价格总水平上涨主要是由于食品和居住类价格上涨引起的。总体上看,这一轮农产品涨价仍属恢复性上涨。生猪供求的失衡导致猪肉价格上涨。去年猪价过低,影响了农民养猪积极性。去年下半年以来,发生在南方部分地区的猪蓝耳病疫情,造成母猪流产和仔猪大量死亡。受去年猪价过低和疫病的双重打击,生猪出栏大幅度下降,猪肉供应偏紧,这是近三个月来猪肉价格两次大幅度上涨的直接原因。
8月23日,农业部畜牧业司司长王智才在发布会上表示,从8月9日以来,生猪和猪肉的价格已经呈现高位下降的趋势,应该说生猪生产现在已经处于一个恢复起步的阶段。随着气温的逐步转凉,生猪销售将逐步进入旺季,农业部将按照国务院的要求和农业部的部署,和各级畜牧兽医部门一起保证这些措施的落实,保证生猪生产进一步恢复和发展,从而扶持生猪生产、促进生猪生产,保护生猪生产,确保在生猪生产环节能够有盈利、不亏本、少波动。农业部发言人薛亮在会上表示:猪肉价格上升符合当前经济规律,解决这个问题关键是要发展生产。他还说,通过一系列综合措施,高致病性猪蓝耳病防控工作取得积极成效,全国疫情已得到初步遏制。截至8月22日,全国共有发病省份26个,共有病猪25.7万头,病死6.8万头,扑杀17.5万头。
9月4日,国新办举行新闻发布会,国家发改委副主任毕井泉就最近猪肉价格、副食品、成品油的价格及供需情况与媒体展开交流。毕井泉同时指出:1—7月份的平均居民消费价格总水平比上年同期上涨3.5%,其中有2.9个百分点是食品价格上涨推动的。在上述拉动食品价格的因素中,肉类价格的力量尤为突出。8月31日,36个大中城市猪肉(精瘦肉)价格每斤13.6元,比4月底上涨50.8%,比去年同期上涨70.3%。其价格上涨对居民生活影响较大,并推动了物价总水平持续上涨。猪肉价格上涨,还带动了牛羊肉和禽蛋等副食品价格以及部分食品制成品和餐饮业价格的上涨。随着国庆节、中秋节的临近,消费者对猪肉的需求量会有所增加,因此,他认为在今后短期内,猪肉市场的波动是不可避免的,但长时间内猪肉价格大幅度上涨的可能性不大。
10月23日,商务部发布的最新市场监测显示,上周(10月15日至21日)肉类价格高位运行。其中,鲜猪肉批发价格比前一周上涨0.7%,鲜牛肉和鲜羊肉批发价格分别上涨1%和0.4%。国庆节后,鲜猪肉批发价格已是第二周小幅上涨。10月15日,作为养猪大省的河南省,生猪收购价在国庆长假后已明显反弹,生猪收购价已涨到6﹒6元/斤,受其影响,猪肉批发价也跟着上涨。截至10月30日全国大部分地区生猪价格明显上涨,北方较明显,整体平均上涨幅度在0.4元/公斤。
11月6日,商务部发布的市场监测显示,10月29日至11月4日,肉类价格稳中有涨。其中,猪肉批发价格连续四周小幅上涨。监测表明,受生猪收购价格上涨、养殖运输成本增加等因素影响,上周猪肉批发价格比前一周上涨1.9%,精瘦肉零售价格止跌回升,上涨0.3%;牛肉和羊肉批发价格分别上涨0.7%和0.3%。8月初,全国猪肉批发价在经过长达两个月的上涨后达到历史高位,随后又连续9周小幅回落,每周平均降幅1.8%。国庆假期之后,猪肉批发价格止跌回升,连续四周小幅上涨,涨幅分别为0.2%、0.7%、1.1%和1.9%,呈逐渐加快的态势。
12月5日,国家发改委有关负责人表示,今后一段时间价格总水平的上涨压力仍然较大。原因之一是今年的食品价格上涨主要在下半年,对明年的滞后影响较大。8、9、10三个月CPI(居民消费价格指数)涨幅均超过6%,情势的严峻引起了中央经济工作会议的高度重视。目前价格上涨的压力正在加大,要采取有力措施抑制价格总水平过快上涨,加强粮食、食用植物油、肉类等基本生活必需品和其他紧缺商品的生产,同时提高价格调控预见性,加强价格监测。
发改委还强调,当前的价格上涨是结构性上涨,并不是价格全面上涨的严重通货膨胀。这位负责人表示,按10月份CPI上升幅度匡算,价格上涨影响城镇居民每人每月增支44.2元,农村居民每人每月增支16.7元,总体上城乡居民收入增幅仍高于物价涨幅。我国粮食连续4年丰收,今年粮食产量预计超过1万亿斤,小麦、稻谷、玉米国内供需基本平衡。总体上看,明年粮价可以保持基本稳定。但值得一提的是,发改委已开始考虑到了另外一个极端,正会同有关部门研究制定防止生猪价格过度下跌的调控预案,防止再次出现猪贱伤农的情况,促进生猪生产平稳发展。
12月11日,国家统计局网站披露,11月份,居民消费价格总水平同比上涨6.9%,其中食品价格涨幅最大,达到18.2%。在食品价格中,猪肉涨幅名列第一,达到56.0%。粮食价格上涨6.6%,油脂价格上涨35.0%,肉禽及其制品价格上涨38.8%,鲜蛋价格上涨10.0%,水产品价格上涨6.8%,鲜菜价格上涨28.6%。日前,国家统计局总经济师姚景源在中国人民大学举办的中国宏观经济论坛(2007-2008)上指出,中国保持经济较快增长的同时,经济效益有比较大幅度的提高。他说,应全面认识物价上涨,当前物价上涨是结构性上涨。如何看结构性价格调整,特别是这次猪肉价格的上涨?前一段媒体报道,8月全国19个省猪肉上涨80%。这种状况下,怎么来看猪肉价格?看你站在谁的立场上。如果要站在农民的立场上,这次猪肉价格上涨是好事,农民增收。农民增收问题,历来是党和政府工作的重中之重,现在物价涨了,农民增收了,重中之重有一个好转,有什么不好?
12月13日,国家发改委价格司司长曹长庆在接受中国政府网访谈时透露,国务院采取的一系列扶持生猪生产的政策措施基本落实,政府对饲养母猪的补贴已经发放到位,各项生猪的防疫措施普遍落实,母猪保险工作全面启动,猪场建设资金全面下达,标准化、规模化养猪场扶持资金已经安排到位,对生猪调出大县的奖励资金也已按时兑现。现在生猪生产正逐渐恢复。农业部的调查数据显示,今年6月以来,全国生猪生产,包括母猪存栏、仔猪存栏不断攀升。到11月底,母猪存栏比10月底增长了8.5%。
12月25日,大连商品交易所生猪期货合约和制度设计基本就绪,大商所和市场各方目前已在合约质量标准及制度完善中形成了四大共识。一是以活体为交易标的物;二是以背膘厚度和体重为主要质量指标;三是在全国主要产区和销区设库交割,充分满足市场交割需要;四是将采取养殖厂、屠宰场、现货批发市场“三场一体”的交割方式,为交割提供便利条件。1966年,美国为了稳定生猪生产、保护生产者利益,在芝加哥商业交易所上市了生猪期货。有专家指出,生猪期货的推出,有利于形成公开、透明的价格信息,能及早反映供求关系,指导生产,避免价格大起大落,给生猪养殖、贸易、加工企业提供了很好的避险工具,此外还能够促进生猪养殖标准化水平的提高。
2008年1月15日,农业部数据显示,2007年12月份全国城乡批发市场“菜篮子”产品价格与上年同期相比,猪、牛、羊肉价格明显高于去年,涨幅分别为57.7%、48.0%和44.5%;水产品、蔬菜和水果价格涨幅相对较小;鸡蛋价格基本持平。其中猪肉批发均价为每公斤20.95元,比上月上涨1.7元,涨幅为8.9 %。12月全国猪肉均价最高为22.01元,最低为20.48元,与上月相比上涨趋势比较明显,终结了9月份以来的单月环比下降趋势,同时本月也是2007年全年价格最高的一个月,农产品批发价12月份转降为升 猪肉价格涨势更强。
2008年1月16日,国家发改委公布了《关于对部分重要商品及服务实行临时价格干预措施的实施办法》,这是责任政府的一种表现。《办法》规定,在价格显著上涨或者有可能显著上涨的情况下,决定采取临时性干预措施。此次启动的临时价格干预措施主要是提价申报和调价备案。提价申报和(或)调价备案的品种范围主要是成品粮及粮食制品、食用植物油、猪肉和牛羊肉及其制品、牛奶、鸡蛋、液化石油气等重要商品。对达到一定规模的生产经营企业实行提价申报。有关企业须在提价前10个工作日向政府价格主管部门提出调整价格的申请。同时将对达到一定规模的批发、零售企业实行调价备案等。对未按规定履行申报和备案程序、未在规定的时间内申报或者备案、经营者申报后提前提价、不执行价格主管部门作出的不予提价、降低提价幅度或者标准等决定、不按照规定说明理由或者虚构理由和提供虚假资料、不执行限定差价率或者利润率,以及违反价格干预措施的其他行为,价格主管部门将责令经营者改正,并依法予以处罚。
稍后,国家发改委有关负责人表示,实行临时价格干预并不改变企业自主定价的性质,不是冻结价格,不会影响企业的正常经营。临时价格干预措施是在特殊情况下,国家依法控制价格不合理上涨的临时性行政手段,要正确认识,合理适度。希望社会充分明了此次调控的合法性、合理性和临时性和辅助性。(徐敏采集整理)

对于千岛湖事件的再认识

http://www.my1510.cn/article.php?426766ce03fcd704

刚看了bonnae的文章<两岸对谈录:台独是不是罪恶?>,感觉内地不少知识分子对千岛湖事件的认识还很模糊,或者说,对这个事件对于台湾民情的影响,还缺乏足够的认识.在这里我转一篇台湾学者管仁健的文章,对这个事件有一个很好的分析.
台湾统独消长的转折点:千岛湖事件(作者: 管仁健)
1856年9月10日,有艘悬挂英旗的华人商船「亚罗号」,停泊在广州黄埔。12名华籍船员与5名印度籍船员上岸后,与村民发生斗殴,造成一村民死亡。
两广总督叶名琛见民情激愤,受理该案后就令「亚罗号」交出一名水手来抵命,英国船长当然不理会这种奇怪的「中国法」。叶名琛就令广东水师官兵登船搜查「鸦片与盗匪」,拔去英旗,并拘捕了船上的12名华籍船员。英国驻广州领事巴夏礼闻讯,要求将被捕诸人送回原船,并赔偿该船损失,叶名琛拒绝了。
12日,叶名琛迫于压力,同意释放其中9名水手,但巴夏礼拒绝。他要求送回全部水手,交还该船,向英国道歉,并保证不再发生此类事件。16日,叶名琛拒绝巴夏礼的要求。18日,英国全权特使兼香港总督包令,也致函警告叶名琛。
22日,巴夏礼到香港会晤包令后,次日即向叶名琛提出「限24小时内送回水手,赔礼道歉,否则攻城」。24日,叶名琛迫于英国领事的压力,将所捕12名水手全部送到英国领事馆,但仍不愿道歉,巴夏礼于是拒绝接受。
25日,英国海军司令西马米葛里攻进广州,叶名琛「不战、不降、不避、不谈」。粤民为泄愤,竟纵火焚烧美法英商馆,殃及十三行皆成灰烬,入城的英军也焚烧洋行附近住家报仇,饱掠之后撤退,接着叶名琛又以「大捷」上奏清廷。巴夏礼以衅端已开,就回报英国请速派大军来中国「保护侨民」,也联络美法诸国共同行动。
亚罗船事件传到伦敦后,英国首相巴麦尊趁机鼓动对华战争,但国会中却有不少议员认为没有必要开战,结果上议院通过的对华用兵军费案,竟被下议院否决,巴麦尊遂解散下议院,召集新国会,始得多数票通过,改派额尔金为特使,率海陆军东来,于隔年七月到达香港,「英法联军」之役就此展开。
从历史来看,「领事裁判权」实在是中国对外不平等条约中,最令国人难以接受的耻辱。但我们回过头来看,中国这种「特有」的司法制度,和一些匪夷所思的官僚行径,却很少被国人所知。这些历史留下来的「特色」,至今也依旧存在。
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很多网友不解,中国政府对台湾人民的「友善」,让大陆人民都感到「吃味」。为了名义上的「统一」,中国政府「一国两制」的优惠越放越宽。但台湾政客为了选举,要故意挑动两岸关系的紧张来火中取粟,这还可以理解;然而为何两岸越交流,台湾民意测验中「统消独长」的趋势,却越来越明显。
理论上台湾人民都是移民后裔,比起大陆上土生土长的人民,应该更不会有特定的意识型态。何况两岸大多都是汉族,「统消独长」的趋势究竟从何而起?小瓜呆就不得不提到一次最关键的转折点:千岛湖事件。
1987年蒋经国死前,同意台湾同胞赴大陆「探亲」,而且对「探亲」的限制很宽,让本省人也得以挂「探亲」羊头,卖「观光」狗肉。两岸一时之间,水乳交融的极为密切,也可以解释为何千岛湖事件中罹难的24名台湾旅客,都是「无亲可探」,纯粹「观光」的本省人。
老实说,千岛湖事件之前,中国政府对台湾同胞的「优待」,实在令台湾人感动;所以是1989年之后,各国观光客都却步不前,唯有台湾同胞前仆后继的涌入大陆。
90年代初期,几名台湾观光客在山西,相继遭到扒窃集团「干洗」,当地政府竟将成员逮捕后,不分首从,一律枪毙。显然法院这样的量刑太重,连原本遭窃的台湾人都看不下去,后悔自己不该报案。
但中国政府不愿背负「欺负台湾人」的心态,在这案例中也是充分流露。小瓜呆认为:指责中国官员草菅台湾人命是言过其实,相反的,为了「统战」,草菅大陆小偷的人命才是事实。
当时两岸之间关系的密切,确实是与时俱增;连坚持台独的基本教义派,也都知道台独只是一种立场的表达,但在台湾永远是少数的。然而中国政府一切的善意,竟然就由一个原本单纯的刑事案件,成为浙江省政府官员口中坚称的「意外」,最后竟成了两岸统独消长的转折点。
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千岛湖事件(1994年3月31日)爆发前,2月底台湾民意测验中,认为「自己是台湾人」29.1%;认为「自己是中国人」24.2%;认为「自己既是台湾人又是中国人」43.2%;其余是不知道或拒答。
但在千岛湖事件发生后不久的4月底,同样的民意测验,认为「自己是台湾人」增加为36.9%;认为「自己是中国人」减少为12.7%;认为「自己既是台湾人又是中国人」45.4%;其余是不知道或拒答。
同样的民意测验里,千岛湖事件爆发前的2月底,「支持独立」12.3%;「支持统一」27.4%;「维持现状」44.5%;其余是不知道或拒答。
千岛湖事件发生后不久的4月底,「支持独立」增加为15.5%;「支持统一」减少为17.3%;「维持现状」54.5%;其余是不知道或拒答。
千岛湖事件对台湾人的自我认知与统独趋势,影响之大实在是历史之最。当年台湾赴大陆的人数,从1,541,628,遽降到1,152,084人次。后来几年虽然人数又开始增加,但统消独长的趋势却仍然难以逆转了。
杀害观光客的刑事案件,即使上了国际新闻,最多也只是一天的时间。至于会演变成像千岛湖事件这样「歹戏拖棚」,那就像一百多年前的「亚罗号」事件一样,没有中国这种「特有」的司法制度,和一些匪夷所思的官僚行径,根本不可能会出现这种种亲痛仇快的悲剧。
2004年,台湾女学生萧任乔,在日本富士山被渡边高裕奸杀;1990年,日本女学生井口真理子,在台湾台南被刘学强奸杀。但台日双方人民都没有因此迁怒对方国人,富士山与台南居民,还都自动募捐给受害者家属慰问金,表达对伤心家属的歉意。
很多大陆网友可能无法理解,为什么台湾与日本的人民,不会因这种「伤天害理」的案件而相互抱怨,却对千岛湖事件耿耿于怀。这就要从千岛湖事件发生后,浙江省政府一连串「令人费解」的动作开始说起。
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1994年3月31日,24位台湾旅客乘坐「海瑞号」在千岛湖观光时,与6名大陆船员及2名大陆导游,共32人在船舱内被烧死。浙江公安当局坚称,这是「意外事故」。
4月2日,罹难者家属赶赴现场后,浙江省政府除禁止媒体采访外,更以四至五倍的人力监视台湾家属,严禁台湾旅行业代表到现场勘察及摄影拍照,引起台湾方面的怀疑。
根据浙江省政府对家属的演示文稿,罹难者全体横尸于三层船舱的底层,上半身已烧焦炭化,下半身却几乎都没有损伤,以火灾来说不但不自然,而且包括船员无人逃脱,更加深了家属们的怀疑。
4月5日,台籍罹难者家属要求运尸回台,也希望登上海瑞号检视船身,但都遭拒绝。浙江省副省长刘锡荣原本代表中国官方「安慰」家属,却在电视镜头前,仅仅因台湾家属希望看死难的亲人最后一眼,刘副省长竟然觉得蒙羞受辱,愤然退会。临走前还板起面孔,打着官腔:「没办法再和你们这些家属谈下去了」。
刘副省长的冷血高傲,不准千里迢迢来的台湾亲属探视亲人遗体,而罹难者的行李等遗物又全部失踪,并且船壳弹孔累累,家属更加怀疑「内情」不单纯,确定浙江当局蓄意隐瞒事实。
随后浙江当局在未经家属的同意下解剖遗体,也不准家属阅读验尸报告;于是家属串连静坐抗议,而浙江当局索性将家属全部软禁在旅馆中,并切断所有对外联系管道,还要求「一定要同意政府代为将尸体火化」。一星期后,罹难者家属同意尸体火化,才被允许带着骨灰离开浙江。
4月6日,罹难者遗体被运到桐庐火化。同一天,台湾立法院的各党派立委,纷纷要求删除两岸交流的预算和中止两岸谈判,并要求宣布大陆是「高度危险旅游地区」。行政院大陆委员会认为大陆当局处理的态度是:「于法不合,于理有亏,于情何忍」。
4月8日,罹难者家属代表在向媒体指出,大陆公布的「千岛湖惨案」内情太不合理。浙江当局的做法引起两岸关系紧张,各地华人谴责中国「野蛮」的声音越来越大,《华尔街日报》则干脆明说:「许多台湾人相信中共当局正粗劣的掩盖一场集体谋杀。」
4月9日,悲痛的家属带着骨灰,搭乘中国东方航空公司B-2172飞机自杭州飞香港转机回台,下机后在中正机场立刻发表声明,表示死者的善后处理方式,他们是在非自由意愿下被迫选择的。但浙江省报纸、电台还是一致报导:「台胞对善后处理表示『满意』。」
4月12日,台湾的陆委会主委黄昆辉,向国际媒体提出「千岛湖事件12项疑点」。新闻局也对对外籍记者公布「千岛湖事件始末及舆论看法」说帖。另外又向国际法庭提出集体诉讼,协请国际刑警组织共同办案,并向世界各国递交事件分析和声明。进而全面停止组团到大陆旅游,暂时冻结两岸文教交流和投资经贸活动。
尽管台湾同胞(包括海外华人与许多良心未泯的大陆人)都对浙江当局不合情理的做法赶到愤慨时,中国的报纸与对台官员,仍然一口咬定是「意外火灾事故」,一连十几天,在种种质疑下毫不松口。从《人民日报》海外版来看:
(1)新华社杭州4月7日电:海瑞号游船「火灾事故」遇难台胞亲属来到现场......
(2)新华社杭州4月9日电:淳安县海瑞号游船发生「起火燃烧事故」......
(3)新华社杭州4月12日电:唐树备今天下午接受记者采访时说,发生千岛湖「火灾事件」......
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4月17日,惨案发生后18天,也就是罹难者尸体(刑案中最重要的证物)被浙江省政府「依法火化」11天后,浙江省公安机关又忽然宣布:「千岛湖海瑞号游船失事,系一起『特大抢劫纵火杀人案』。」
4月18日,国务院总理李鹏在出国前记者会上宣布:「千岛湖事件现已破案。凶犯已缉拿归案。这是一重大刑事案件。我们将按『司法程序』严肃处理。」
4月21日,台湾海基会收到大陆海协会来函:「浙江省检察机关已于本月19日批准,依法逮捕在千岛湖海瑞号游船上抢劫纵火杀人的案犯吴黎宏、胡志瀚、余爱军。」
中国的中央政府,在事件发生后第22天,终于有了「迟来的响应」。外交部发言人吴建民说:「千岛湖事件是在海峡两岸交流中,发生的一个『突发刑事案件』。这是我们大家都不愿看到的。不应因这一事件而人为地阻碍两岸关系的发展。」
吴建民对「千岛湖事件」所做的发言,其实是非常中肯与正面的。两岸与世界各地有理性的人,应该也都能接受这样的说法。可惜这个声明足足晚了三个星期,台湾同胞与各地华人,都被浙江省政府一连串的「谎言」与野蛮的「焚尸」给吓着了。
尤其副省长刘锡荣那句「没办法再和你们这些家属谈下去了」的经典名言,配上他那高傲狰狞的官僚脸孔,转头而去的霸王身段,虽然事过境迁十年,台湾人依旧永志不忘。
6月12日,浙江省杭州市中级人民法院将吴黎宏、胡志瀚、余爱军三名「嫌犯」,依照《中华人民共和国刑法》第150条、第132条、第53条第一款、第22条第一款、第64条、第60条的规定,判处死刑,剥夺政治权利终身。
6月17日,浙江省高级人民法院复核通过。6月19日执行枪决。这案件在中国官员与媒体认知里是「结案」了。6月20日《人民日报》在「千岛湖事件始末」,终于也坦承:「在处理千岛湖事件时,『当然也有不尽人意的地方』。」至于「不尽人意」的究竟是什么?《人民日报》不敢说,那就由小瓜呆这「小人民」来说吧!
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根据6月20日《人民日报》的「千岛湖事件始末」一文可知,早在惨案发生的一开始,浙江省政府就很清楚,根本不是什么「火灾事故」。因为报导中说:
4月2日,杭州公安局抽调14名法医,对所有遗体进行了认真的检验:遇难者进入底轮前并未死亡,死亡系「窒息烧烤」所致;省防专家确认有「汽油助燃」;船舶专家「排除了因船和设备引起火灾」的可能;痕迹专家发现「出入底舱的铁梯缺失」,底舱口上方钢板有「猎枪散弹发出所致圆形状凹陷」;刑侦专家分析认为船上人员极可能「受暴力胁迫进入底舱,而后被焚烧致死」;公安机关确定这是一起「有预谋、有准备的特大图财害命案」。
从《人民日报》的报导中可以证实,浙江省政府早就已确定:千岛湖事件是一起特大刑事案。但4月5日刘锡荣还能昧着良心,对台胞罹难者亲属摆「官架子」,4 月6日又将罹难者尸体(刑案中最重要的证物)「依法火化」。试问这种湮灭「犯罪证据」的背后,究竟要隐瞒什么?凶手究竟是不是这3人?是不是只有3人?一切就随「凶手」被枪决、罹难者尸体被火化而就此「结案」了。
《人民日报》的评论其实很有道理:「刑事犯罪在每个国家和地区的旅游活动中,都是可能发生的。」但台湾同胞不解的是:大陆媒体比台湾媒体更早知道,千岛湖事件是一起特大刑事案。而大陆媒体却在4月18日当局宣布「破案」前,不报导有「刑案」的可能也就罢了。可是明明台湾家属不满浙江省政府的「焚尸」,他们却口径一致的说「台胞对善后处理表示『满意』。」
千岛湖发生「杀人劫财」案,并不是什么丢人现眼的事。承认这是一件刑事案件,也不算给中国人丢脸。哪个社会没有一些坏人,干出谋财害命的勾当呢?台湾的犯罪率之高,犯罪手段之凶残,可能还有过之而无不及。
台湾人不会也不能因千岛湖事件中有台湾观光客罹难,就仇视或轻看其它大陆同胞。别忘记!死者中也有8个大陆人,他们也是人生父母养的,他们也应受到尊严的对待。台湾人在对待大陆渔工与大陆新娘的这些事上,丢人现眼的案例更多。
但在千岛湖事件里,让我们中国人丢脸丢到全世界的是以下六点:
(1)浙江省政府「大事化小」的心态与「焚尸」的野蛮手段。(这叫「吃案」)
(2)刘锡荣昧着良心对台胞罹难者亲属所摆的「官架子」。(这叫「官僚」)
(3)北京当局对浙江省政府胡作非为的迟钝反应。(这叫「麻木」)
(4)大陆媒体「丧事当喜事办」一味对官员歌功颂德的作风(这叫「无耻」)
(5)李登辉暗指该案有大陆军警涉嫌却始终不提证据。(这叫「栽赃」)
(6)李登辉用这悲剧挑拨台湾与大陆的紧张关系来助选。(这叫「自私」)
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千岛湖事件爆发至今已经十年,32位罹难者的尸骨已惨遭浙江省政府「依法火化」。世界各国侦办刑案,对有他杀之嫌的,都是命令家属「依法不得火化」,惟独在中国浙江省有此「特色」。浙江省政府在破案后,只是一味夸赞自己的破案功劳,却至今未对强迫火化尸体一事,向罹难者家属道歉。
刘锡荣这位台湾同胞人人「化成灰都认识」的大官,非但没有因千岛湖事件造成的两岸关系大倒退而受到惩戒,反而仕途亨通。在1997年中共十五大上,成为中纪委常委,2002年还被选为中纪委副书记。这样的官员成了中国官员「纪律」的代表,难怪台湾为何有这么高比例的人不愿与中国统一?这不是李扁两人可以单独搞起来的。
1998年7月27日,台湾的民进党籍高雄市议员林滴娟,在辽宁省海城市遇害。由于她是民进党籍公职人员,还是台湾南部地区地下电台的「名嘴」,影响力非同小可,具有高度的政治敏感性,也引来大批台湾记者前往采访。
但辽宁省政府以开放、务实的态度,使台湾记者没有任何不满,发回的报导也都较为客观准确。虽然罹难者是台独运动中的明星,而且凶手至今也尚未抓到,但在台湾却波澜不起,两岸关系也没有任何波动。证明台湾同胞也不至于那么不理性。
中国政府其实无须对台湾人民,提出什么让自己人民都感到「吃味」的条件。中国要统一,就必须尽快建立「法制」:让司法的公正性与公开性,得到自己人民的信服;让冷血「吃案」的官员得到应有的惩戒,这样的国家会有「分裂」的可能吗?
凶案的发生是偶然,但司法的公正与公开一定要是必然。被人民厌恶的官僚是偶然,被人民厌恶的官僚不能一直升官就一定要是必然。

Sunday, January 20, 2008

真相与意志的分界-从汪精卫聊起

真相与意志的分界

这个题目,看起来似乎是非常枯燥的,但是,引发我给出这个题目的,是一件非常有意思的事情,也肯定是会让大多数人都觉得有意思的事情,就是,曾经不怕牺牲去刺杀清摄政王载沣的汪精卫,为何会在后来成立汉奸政权?


然,这个事情连带好玩的是,张爱玲爱上一个汪精卫政府里面的汉奸之情事;而连带最好玩的,就是《色戒》里面,爱国学生们在香港摩拳擦掌准备暗杀汪伪汉奸易
先生的时候,邝裕民激昂地说:“引刀成一快,不负少年头,杀几个汪伪汉奸又算什么!”李安可能忘记了这么一个故事:汪精卫因剌杀清摄政王载沣而被捕,判终
身监禁。汪精卫因此作绝笔诗一首:“慷慨歌燕市,从容作楚囚。引刀成一快,不负少年头。”

言归正传,汪精卫为何要去领头做汉奸?

汪精卫的一切汉奸行为,都来自一个基本的判断:中国在当时没有可能抗战胜利,中国继续抗战下去的结局多半就是彻底亡国,至少,会是在战败前提下更严重的丧权辱国。

我们都想象一下,在1938年的时候,中国政府已经撤退到了重庆,半个中国都已沦陷,全部出海口都已丧失,唯一的可以获得外援的云南至缅甸的公路也已被封
锁。然后,假设你作为当时仅次于蒋介石的国家领导人汪精卫,还知道中国的军队、军工的更为具体的实力数据,等等等。。。然后,你来做一个基本的判断:中国
还有战胜外敌的机会吗?
实际上,这个判断可以说是一个纯粹客观的问题,但,又是一个需要高度历史洞察力的问题。

正是在这个问题上,真相与意志的边界变得模糊,甚至两者交融起来。

面对同样这个问题,每个人都会有其具体的认知与意志。我们不妨来了解一些典型。

促使汪精卫的决定,有一个比较大的契机,就是1937年
11月德国大使陶德曼在中日间做调解,日方给出了停战条件。对于那些条件,国民政府的国防会议常务委员会议进行了讨论,大部分人倾向于接受日方条件,蒋介
石也裁定可以之为基础,进一步谈判。但由于中方忽略了日方条件里面所定的答复期限,而致使日方以中方不同意那些条件为由,启动了下一步的侵略计划。
本来,这只是一个技术性错误,汪精卫,还有其他一些人,也都强化了这个印象:这么一个技术性错误,如果大部分人都倾向于接受日方条件的话,就不应该让该错误继承下去,导致更为严重的后果。或者说,不该因为这么一个技术性错误,诱发日方更为肆意的侵略。

以,汪精卫决定以那些条件为基础,单独跳出来,继续与日方周旋。正是这样一个心理,我们就可以理解,汪精卫在私下离开重庆之前,给蒋介石留下的道别信件里
面,最后写道:“今后兄为其易,弟为其难。”意思就是,以后你来坚持抗战,于情于理于大众,都是直接合理的行为;我则为了防备万一中国战败的情况下,给国
家预备一些稍微好一点的战败条件,去走一条更为艰难的路。

然后,我们再来看当时共产党人的认知与意志:抗战是毫无疑义的唯一路。毛泽东当时发表了大量的文章,来表达其对于抗战前景的分析与判断。

当然,我们现在是事后诸葛亮,不能简单的以后来的历史事实来评判当时境况里面的每个人。但是,从这整个的历史里面,我们可以领悟到一些客观的现象:一个可以令很多人共同认可的关于历史发展的真相,是不存在的,因为对于历史的未来,我们的意志本身,就是一个强大的角色。

而汪精卫,正是没有懂得此点:他没有看到自己的意志,人民大众的意志,可以在历史的未来发展里面,充当一个什么样的角色。

对于历史发展的真相,参与政治的人的意志,本身是一个明确的参与历史的角色。
那么对于我们每一个个人呢?同样的命题也是成立的。
对于自我,对于个人命运,客观的发展真相,与我们自己的意志,是交融的,是不存在一个确定边界的。

至此,我们的论题似乎得花开两枝,分做两个方面来讨论:
1,在社会的历史发展中,我们的主观意志可以是一个什么样的角色;
2,在个人的发展历程中,我们的主观意志可以是一个什么样的角色。

但,实际上,这两个方面是息息相通的。

继续来看汪精卫的例子。
在很多的记录里面,汪精卫最初离开重庆,抵达越南,发表了自己的主张:接受日本停战条件,先和平了再说。然后,他及其随从人员,是打算去法国,对国事做壁上观的。而重庆的政府也派人送来了护照和汪一行人的旅费。但1939年3月21日,突发的一件事打断了汪的这个计划。
当日午夜,一个精心准备多日的杀手,执机关枪突入汪一行人的住宅,杀死了汪的情同儿子的助手曾仲鸣,而其目的本来是汪本人。
这件事马上令汪改变了计划,他决定自己站出来担当“收拾残局”的责任,遂行其和平计划。
这,就是典型的个人不当意志,促成改变其对历史的意志,并产生实际的历史后果的一个典型例子。

样一个暗杀事件,若出自重庆政府,也并非不可理解,因为蒋介石本人或其手下,一贯有这个政治风格,这样一个行为,完全只是历史的技术性细节,并不足以构成
重要的环节。而就是这样一个技术性细节,导致汪走出实质性的一步,把其所谓和平计划付诸行动,那就是汪自己犯下的个人错误了。
这个错误很简单:一定要严守历史规则与个人规则的分际,不能因为个人情感的偏重,影响与干扰对社会历史的评估与作为。

所以,汪精卫之所以走上一个可耻的位置,就是从这每一个错误走过来的:先是错误地理解了历史里面意志的重要性,然后,又以个人的私我意志,掺入自己对历史的判断与行为,如此大错,也就不得不以被控为汉奸,作为惩罚了。

插入一个关于“理解”的问题。
这里,我拿汪精卫去做理解,理解其行为的心理动机,似乎,就会给人一个印象:如此被分析后的汪精卫,相比单纯指控他为大汉奸,是不是显得过于温和,甚而同情?
不然。
不妨看一下这篇典型的汉奸指控类文章,那个认识张爱玲的作家沈寂写的回忆张的文章
显然,这篇文章是鲜明的敌视汉奸的角度。实际上,汉奸这个词,就是典型的反映主观立场的标签。
如果,我们经过分析了解了汪精卫的心理过程,那么我们还可以站在主观立场对他表示痛恨吗?
当然可以,因为这是两码事。
客观的分析,只涉及到历史的评估;而主观的评估呢,则是必须要有的,因为无法要求大众一致地对历史有客观层面的理解。那么,就只有给予一个黑白分明的图像,能够表达历史主要原则的图像,作为大众认知和大众意志的基础。

这是另一个复杂的关于理解的问题,这里先不展开了。

more@kosmos.cn

和菜头这老鬼果然厉害。这两个网站都不错,大家看看。
http://memedia.cn/
http://danwei.org/
这两个在国内都是被封禁的。当然了,本博客在国内也是被封禁的哈哈

With friends like these ...

http://www.guardian.co.uk/technology/2008/jan/14/facebook

Tom Hodgkinson
The Guardian,
Monday January 14 2008
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This article appeared in the Guardian on Monday January 14 2008 on p6 of the G2 comment & features section. It was last updated at 15:17 on January 18 2008.
The following correction was printed in the Guardian's Corrections and clarifications column, Wednesday January 16 2008
The US intelligence community's enthusiasm for hi-tech innovation after 9/11 and the creation of In-Q-Tel, its venture capital fund, in 1999 were anachronistically linked in the article below. Since 9/11 happened in 2001 it could not have led to the setting up of In-Q-Tel two years earlier.

I despise Facebook. This enormously successful American business describes itself as "a social utility that connects you with the people around you". But hang on. Why on God's earth would I need a computer to connect with the people around me? Why should my relationships be mediated through the imagination of a bunch of supergeeks in California? What was wrong with the pub?
And does Facebook really connect people? Doesn't it rather disconnect us, since instead of doing something enjoyable such as talking and eating and dancing and drinking with my friends, I am merely sending them little ungrammatical notes and amusing photos in cyberspace, while chained to my desk? A friend of mine recently told me that he had spent a Saturday night at home alone on Facebook, drinking at his desk. What a gloomy image. Far from connecting us, Facebook actually isolates us at our workstations.
Facebook appeals to a kind of vanity and self-importance in us, too. If I put up a flattering picture of myself with a list of my favourite things, I can construct an artificial representation of who I am in order to get sex or approval. ("I like Facebook," said another friend. "I got a shag out of it.") It also encourages a disturbing competitivness around friendship: it seems that with friends today, quality counts for nothing and quantity is king. The more friends you have, the better you are. You are "popular", in the sense much loved in American high schools. Witness the cover line on Dennis Publishing's new Facebook magazine: "How To Double Your Friends List."
It seems, though, that I am very much alone in my hostility. At the time of writing Facebook claims 59 million active users, including 7 million in the UK, Facebook's third-biggest customer after the US and Canada. That's 59 million suckers, all of whom have volunteered their ID card information and consumer preferences to an American business they know nothing about. Right now, 2 million new people join each week. At the present rate of growth, Facebook will have more than 200 million active users by this time next year. And I would predict that, if anything, its rate of growth will accelerate over the coming months. As its spokesman Chris Hughes says: "It's embedded itself to an extent where it's hard to get rid of."
All of the above would have been enough to make me reject Facebook for ever. But there are more reasons to hate it. Many more.

Facebook is a well-funded project, and the people behind the funding, a group of Silicon Valley venture capitalists, have a clearly thought out ideology that they are hoping to spread around the world. Facebook is one manifestation of this ideology. Like PayPal before it, it is a social experiment, an expression of a particular kind of neoconservative libertarianism. On Facebook, you can be free to be who you want to be, as long as you don't mind being bombarded by adverts for the world's biggest brands. As with PayPal, national boundaries are a thing of the past.
Although the project was initially conceived by media cover star Mark Zuckerberg, the real face behind Facebook is the 40-year-old Silicon Valley venture capitalist and futurist philosopher Peter Thiel. There are only three board members on Facebook, and they are Thiel, Zuckerberg and a third investor called Jim Breyer from a venture capital firm called Accel Partners (more on him later). Thiel invested $500,000 in Facebook when Harvard students Zuckerberg, Chris Hughes and Dustin Moskowitz went to meet him in San Francisco in June 2004, soon after they had launched the site. Thiel now reportedly owns 7% of Facebook, which, at Facebook's current valuation of $15bn, would be worth more than $1bn. There is much debate on who exactly were the original co-founders of Facebook, but whoever they were, Zuckerberg is the only one left on the board, although Hughes and Moskowitz still work for the company.
Thiel is widely regarded in Silicon Valley and in the US venture capital scene as a libertarian genius. He is the co-founder and CEO of the virtual banking system PayPal, which he sold to Ebay for $1.5bn, taking $55m for himself. He also runs a £3bn hedge fund called Clarium Capital Management and a venture capital fund called Founders Fund. Bloomberg Markets magazine recently called him "one of the most successful hedge fund managers in the country". He has made money by betting on rising oil prices and by correctly predicting that the dollar would weaken. He and his absurdly wealthy Silicon Valley mates have recently been labelled "The PayPal Mafia" by Fortune magazine, whose reporter also observed that Thiel has a uniformed butler and a $500,000 McLaren supercar. Thiel is also a chess master and intensely competitive. He has been known to sweep the chessmen off the table in a fury when losing. And he does not apologise for this hyper-competitveness, saying: "Show me a good loser and I'll show you a loser."

But Thiel is more than just a clever and avaricious capitalist. He is a futurist philosopher and neocon activist. A philosophy graduate from Stanford, in 1998 he co-wrote a book called The Diversity Myth, which is a detailed attack on liberalism and the multiculturalist ideology that dominated Stanford. He claimed that the "multiculture" led to a lessening of individual freedoms. While a student at Stanford, Thiel founded a rightwing journal, still up and running, called The Stanford Review - motto: Fiat Lux ("Let there be light"). Thiel is a member of TheVanguard.Org, an internet-based neoconservative pressure group that was set up to attack MoveOn.org, a liberal pressure group that works on the web. Thiel calls himself "way libertarian".
TheVanguard is run by one Rod D Martin, a philosopher-capitalist whom Thiel greatly admires. On the site, Thiel says: "Rod is one of our nation's leading minds in the creation of new and needed ideas for public policy. He possesses a more complete understanding of America than most executives have of their own businesses."
This little taster from their website will give you an idea of their vision for the world: "TheVanguard.Org is an online community of Americans who believe in conservative values, the free market and limited government as the best means to bring hope and ever-increasing opportunity to everyone, especially the poorest among us." Their aim is to promote policies that will "reshape America and the globe". TheVanguard describes its politics as "Reaganite/Thatcherite". The chairman's message says: "Today we'll teach MoveOn [the liberal website], Hillary and the leftwing media some lessons they never imagined."
So, Thiel's politics are not in doubt. What about his philosophy? I listened to a podcast of an address Thiel gave about his ideas for the future. His philosophy, briefly, is this: since the 17th century, certain enlightened thinkers have been taking the world away from the old-fashioned nature-bound life, and here he quotes Thomas Hobbes' famous characterisation of life as "nasty, brutish and short", and towards a new virtual world where we have conquered nature. Value now exists in imaginary things. Thiel says that PayPal was motivated by this belief: that you can find value not in real manufactured objects, but in the relations between human beings. PayPal was a way of moving money around the world with no restriction. Bloomberg Markets puts it like this: "For Thiel, PayPal was all about freedom: it would enable people to skirt currency controls and move money around the globe."
Clearly, Facebook is another uber-capitalist experiment: can you make money out of friendship? Can you create communities free of national boundaries - and then sell Coca-Cola to them? Facebook is profoundly uncreative. It makes nothing at all. It simply mediates in relationships that were happening anyway.
Photo: Tim Boyle/Getty
Thiel's philosophical mentor is one René Girard of Stanford University, proponent of a theory of human behaviour called mimetic desire. Girard reckons that people are essentially sheep-like and will copy one another without much reflection. The theory would also seem to be proved correct in the case of Thiel's virtual worlds: the desired object is irrelevant; all you need to know is that human beings will tend to move in flocks. Hence financial bubbles. Hence the enormous popularity of Facebook. Girard is a regular at Thiel's intellectual soirees. What you don't hear about in Thiel's philosophy, by the way, are old-fashioned real-world concepts such as art, beauty, love, pleasure and truth.
The internet is immensely appealing to neocons such as Thiel because it promises a certain sort of freedom in human relations and in business, freedom from pesky national laws, national boundaries and suchlike. The internet opens up a world of free trade and laissez-faire expansion. Thiel also seems to approve of offshore tax havens, and claims that 40% of the world's wealth resides in places such as Vanuatu, the Cayman Islands, Monaco and Barbados. I think it's fair to say that Thiel, like Rupert Murdoch, is against tax. He also likes the globalisation of digital culture because it makes the banking overlords hard to attack: "You can't have a workers' revolution to take over a bank if the bank is in Vanuatu," he says.
If life in the past was nasty, brutish and short, then in the future Thiel wants to make it much longer, and to this end he has also invested in a firm that is exploring life-extension technologies. He has pledged £3.5m to a Cambridge-based gerontologist called Aubrey de Grey, who is searching for the key to immortality. Thiel is also on the board of advisers of something called the Singularity Institute for Artificial Intelligence. From its fantastical website, the following: "The Singularity is the technological creation of smarter-than-human intelligence. There are several technologies ... heading in this direction ... Artificial Intelligence ... direct brain-computer interfaces ... genetic engineering ... different technologies which, if they reached a threshold level of sophistication, would enable the creation of smarter-than-human intelligence."
So by his own admission, Thiel is trying to destroy the real world, which he also calls "nature", and install a virtual world in its place, and it is in this context that we must view the rise of Facebook. Facebook is a deliberate experiment in global manipulation, and Thiel is a bright young thing in the neoconservative pantheon, with a penchant for far-out techno-utopian fantasies. Not someone I want to help get any richer.
The third board member of Facebook is Jim Breyer. He is a partner in the venture capital firm Accel Partners, who put $12.7m into Facebook in April 2005. On the board of such US giants as Wal-Mart and Marvel Entertainment, he is also a former chairman of the National Venture Capital Association (NVCA). Now these are the people who are really making things happen in America, because they invest in the new young talent, the Zuckerbergs and the like. Facebook's most recent round of funding was led by a company called Greylock Venture Capital, who put in the sum of $27.5m. One of Greylock's senior partners is called Howard Cox, another former chairman of the NVCA, who is also on the board of In-Q-Tel. What's In-Q-Tel? Well, believe it or not (and check out their website), this is the venture-capital wing of the CIA. After 9/11, the US intelligence community became so excited by the possibilities of new technology and the innovations being made in the private sector, that in 1999 they set up their own venture capital fund, In-Q-Tel, which "identifies and partners with companies developing cutting-edge technologies to help deliver these solutions to the Central Intelligence Agency and the broader US Intelligence Community (IC) to further their missions".
The US defence department and the CIA love technology because it makes spying easier. "We need to find new ways to deter new adversaries," defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld said in 2003. "We need to make the leap into the information age, which is the critical foundation of our transformation efforts." In-Q-Tel's first chairman was Gilman Louie, who served on the board of the NVCA with Breyer. Another key figure in the In-Q-Tel team is Anita K Jones, former director of defence research and engineering for the US department of defence, and - with Breyer - board member of BBN Technologies. When she left the US department of defence, Senator Chuck Robb paid her the following tribute: "She brought the technology and operational military communities together to design detailed plans to sustain US dominance on the battlefield into the next century."

Now even if you don't buy the idea that Facebook is some kind of extension of the American imperialist programme crossed with a massive information-gathering tool, there is no way of denying that as a business, it is pure mega-genius. Some net nerds have suggsted that its $15bn valuation is excessive, but I would argue that if anything that is too modest. Its scale really is dizzying, and the potential for growth is virtually limitless. "We want everyone to be able to use Facebook," says the impersonal voice of Big Brother on the website. I'll bet they do. It is Facebook's enormous potential that led Microsoft to buy 1.6% for $240m. A recent rumour says that Asian investor Lee Ka-Shing, said to be the ninth richest man in the world, has bought 0.4% of Facebook for $60m.
The creators of the site need do very little bar fiddle with the programme. In the main, they simply sit back and watch as millions of Facebook addicts voluntarily upload their ID details, photographs and lists of their favourite consumer objects. Once in receipt of this vast database of human beings, Facebook then simply has to sell the information back to advertisers, or, as Zuckerberg puts it in a recent blog post, "to try to help people share information with their friends about things they do on the web". And indeed, this is precisely what's happening. On November 6 last year, Facebook announced that 12 global brands had climbed on board. They included Coca-Cola, Blockbuster, Verizon, Sony Pictures and Condé Nast. All trained in marketing bullshit of the highest order, their representatives made excited comments along the following lines:
"With Facebook Ads, our brands can become a part of the way users communicate and interact on Facebook," said Carol Kruse, vice president, global interactive marketing, the Coca-Cola Company.
"We view this as an innovative way to cultivate relationships with millions of Facebook users by enabling them to interact with Blockbuster in convenient, relevant and entertaining ways," said Jim Keyes, Blockbuster chairman and CEO. "This is beyond creating advertising impressions. This is about Blockbuster participating in the community of the consumer so that, in return, consumers feel motivated to share the benefits of our brand with their friends."
"Share" is Facebookspeak for "advertise". Sign up to Facebook and you become a free walking, talking advert for Blockbuster or Coke, extolling the virtues of these brands to your friends. We are seeing the commodification of human relationships, the extraction of capitalistic value from friendships.
Now, by comparision with Facebook, newspapers, for example, begin to look hopelessly outdated as a business model. A newspaper sells advertising space to businesses looking to sell stuff to their readers. But the system is far less sophisticated than Facebook for two reasons. One is that newspapers have to put up with the irksome expense of paying journalists to provide the content. Facebook gets its content for free. The other is that Facebook can target advertising with far greater precision than a newspaper. Admit on Facebook that your favourite film is This Is Spinal Tap, and when a Spinal Tap-esque movie comes out, you can be sure that they'll be sending ads your way.
Facebook founder Mark Zuckerman (Photo: Paul Sakuma/AP)
It's true that Facebook recently got into hot water with its Beacon advertising programme. Users were notified that one of their friends had made a purchase at certain online shops; 46,000 users felt that this level of advertising was intrusive, and signed a petition called "Facebook! Stop invading my privacy!" to say so. Zuckerberg apologised on his company blog. He has written that they have now changed the system from "opt-out" to "opt-in". But I suspect that this little rebellion about being so ruthlessly commodified will soon be forgotten: after all, there was a national outcry by the civil liberties movement when the idea of a police force was mooted in the UK in the mid 19th century.
Futhermore, have you Facebook users ever actually read the privacy policy? It tells you that you don't have much privacy. Facebook pretends to be about freedom, but isn't it really more like an ideologically motivated virtual totalitarian regime with a population that will very soon exceed the UK's? Thiel and the rest have created their own country, a country of consumers.
Now, you may, like Thiel and the other new masters of the cyberverse, find this social experiment tremendously exciting. Here at last is the Enlightenment state longed for since the Puritans of the 17th century sailed away to North America, a world where everyone is free to express themselves as they please, according to who is watching. National boundaries are a thing of the past and everyone cavorts together in freewheeling virtual space. Nature has been conquered through man's boundless ingenuity. Yes, and you may decide to send genius investor Thiel all your money, and certainly you'll be waiting impatiently for the public flotation of the unstoppable Facebook.
Or you might reflect that you don't really want to be part of this heavily-funded programme to create an arid global virtual republic, where your own self and your relationships with your friends are converted into commodites on sale to giant global brands. You may decide that you don't want to be part of this takeover bid for the world.
For my own part, I am going to retreat from the whole thing, remain as unplugged as possible, and spend the time I save by not going on Facebook doing something useful, such as reading books. Why would I want to waste my time on Facebook when I still haven't read Keats' Endymion? And when there are seeds to be sown in my own back yard? I don't want to retreat from nature, I want to reconnect with it. Damn air-conditioning! And if I want to connect with the people around me, I will revert to an old piece of technology. It's free, it's easy and it delivers a uniquely individual experience in sharing information: it's called talking.
Facebook's privacy policy
Just for fun, try substituting the words 'Big Brother' whenever you read the word 'Facebook'
1 We will advertise at you
"When you use Facebook, you may set up your personal profile, form relationships, send messages, perform searches and queries, form groups, set up events, add applications, and transmit information through various channels. We collect this information so that we can provide you the service and offer personalised features."
2 You can't delete anything
"When you update information, we usually keep a backup copy of the prior version for a reasonable period of time to enable reversion to the prior version of that information."
3 Anyone can glance at your intimate confessions
"... we cannot and do not guarantee that user content you post on the site will not be viewed by unauthorised persons. We are not responsible for circumvention of any privacy settings or security measures contained on the site. You understand and acknowledge that, even after removal, copies of user content may remain viewable in cached and archived pages or if other users have copied or stored your user content."
4 Our marketing profile of you will be unbeatable
"Facebook may also collect information about you from other sources, such as newspapers, blogs, instant messaging services, and other users of the Facebook service through the operation of the service (eg, photo tags) in order to provide you with more useful information and a more personalised experience."
5 Opting out doesn't mean opting out
"Facebook reserves the right to send you notices about your account even if you opt out of all voluntary email notifications."
6 The CIA may look at the stuff when they feel like it
"By using Facebook, you are consenting to have your personal data transferred to and processed in the United States ... We may be required to disclose user information pursuant to lawful requests, such as subpoenas or court orders, or in compliance with applicable laws. We do not reveal information until we have a good faith belief that an information request by law enforcement or private litigants meets applicable legal standards. Additionally, we may share account or other information when we believe it is necessary to comply with law, to protect our interests or property, to prevent fraud or other illegal activity perpetrated through the Facebook service or using the Facebook name, or to prevent imminent bodily harm. This may include sharing information with other companies, lawyers, agents or government agencies."

Saturday, January 19, 2008

Change or Die

Change or Die

All leadership comes down to this: changing people's behavior. Why is that so damn hard? Science offers some surprising new answers -- and ways to do better.

By: Alan Deutschman | Illustrations by: David Pohl

What if you were given that choice? For real. What if it weren't just the hyperbolic rhetoric that conflates corporate performance with life and death? Not the overblown exhortations of a rabid boss, or a slick motivational speaker, or a self-dramatizing CEO. We're talking actual life or death now. Your own life or death. What if a well-informed, trusted authority figure said you had to make difficult and enduring changes in the way you think and act? If you didn't, your time would end soon -- a lot sooner than it had to. Could you change when change really mattered? When it mattered most?

Yes, you say?

Try again.

Yes?

You're probably deluding yourself.

You wouldn't change.

Don't believe it? You want odds? Here are the odds, the scientifically studied odds: nine to one. That's nine to one against you. How do you like those odds?

This revelation unnerved many people in the audience last November at IBM's "Global Innovation Outlook" conference. The company's top executives had invited the most farsighted thinkers they knew from around the world to come together in New York and propose solutions to some really big problems. They started with the crisis in health care, an industry that consumes an astonishing $1.8 trillion a year in the United States alone, or 15% of gross domestic product. A dream team of experts took the stage, and you might have expected them to proclaim that breathtaking advances in science and technology -- mapping the human genome and all that -- held the long-awaited answers. That's not what they said. They said that the root cause of the health crisis hasn't changed for decades, and the medical establishment still couldn't figure out what to do about it.

Dr. Raphael "Ray" Levey, founder of the Global Medical Forum, an annual summit meeting of leaders from every constituency in the health system, told the audience, "A relatively small percentage of the population consumes the vast majority of the health-care budget for diseases that are very well known and by and large behavioral." That is, they're sick because of how they choose to live their lives, not because of environmental or genetic factors beyond their control. Continued Levey: "Even as far back as when I was in medical school" -- he enrolled at Harvard in 1955 -- "many articles demonstrated that 80% of the health-care budget was consumed by five behavioral issues." Levey didn't bother to name them, but you don't need an MD to guess what he was talking about: too much smoking, drinking, eating, and stress, and not enough exercise.

Then the knockout blow was delivered by Dr. Edward Miller, the dean of the medical school and CEO of the hospital at Johns Hopkins University. He turned the discussion to patients whose heart disease is so severe that they undergo bypass surgery, a traumatic and expensive procedure that can cost more than $100,000 if complications arise. About 600,000 people have bypasses every year in the United States, and 1.3 million heart patients have angioplasties -- all at a total cost of around $30 billion. The procedures temporarily relieve chest pains but rarely prevent heart attacks or prolong lives. Around half of the time, the bypass grafts clog up in a few years; the angioplasties, in a few months. The causes of this so-called restenosis are complex. It's sometimes a reaction to the trauma of the surgery itself. But many patients could avoid the return of pain and the need to repeat the surgery -- not to mention arrest the course of their disease before it kills them -- by switching to healthier lifestyles. Yet very few do. "If you look at people after coronary-artery bypass grafting two years later, 90% of them have not changed their lifestyle," Miller said. "And that's been studied over and over and over again. And so we're missing some link in there. Even though they know they have a very bad disease and they know they should change their lifestyle, for whatever reason, they can't."

Changing the behavior of people isn't just the biggest challenge in health care. It's the most important challenge for businesses trying to compete in a turbulent world, says John Kotter, a Harvard Business School professor who has studied dozens of organizations in the midst of upheaval: "The central issue is never strategy, structure, culture, or systems. The core of the matter is always about changing the behavior of people." Those people may be called upon to respond to profound upheavals in marketplace dynamics -- the rise of a new global competitor, say, or a shift from a regulated to a deregulated environment -- or to a corporate reorganization, merger, or entry into a new business. And as individuals, we may want to change our own styles of work -- how we mentor subordinates, for example, or how we react to criticism. Yet more often than not, we can't.

CEOs are supposedly the prime change agents for their companies, but they're often as resistant to change as anyone -- and as prone to backsliding. The most notorious recent example is Michael Eisner. After he nearly died from heart problems, Eisner finally heeded his wife's plea and brought in a high-profile number-two exec, Michael Ovitz, to alleviate the stress of running Disney. But Eisner proved incapable of seeing through the idea, essentially refusing to share any real power with Ovitz from the start.

The conventional wisdom says that crisis is a powerful motivator for change. But severe heart disease is among the most serious of personal crises, and it doesn't motivate -- at least not nearly enough. Nor does giving people accurate analyses and factual information about their situations. What works? Why, in general, is change so incredibly difficult for people? What is it about how our brains are wired that resists change so tenaciously? Why do we fight even what we know to be in our own vital interests?

Kotter has hit on a crucial insight. "Behavior change happens mostly by speaking to people's feelings," he says. "This is true even in organizations that are very focused on analysis and quantitative measurement, even among people who think of themselves as smart in an MBA sense. In highly successful change efforts, people find ways to help others see the problems or solutions in ways that influence emotions, not just thought."

Unfortunately, that kind of emotional persuasion isn't taught in business schools, and it doesn't come naturally to the technocrats who run things -- the engineers, scientists, lawyers, doctors, accountants, and managers who pride themselves on disciplined, analytical thinking. There's compelling science behind the psychology of change -- it draws on discoveries from emerging fields such as cognitive science, linguistics, and neuroscience -- but its insights and techniques often seem paradoxical or irrational.

Look again at the case of heart patients. The best minds at Johns Hopkins and the Global Medical Forum might not know how to get them to change, but someone does: Dr. Dean Ornish, a professor of medicine at the University of California at San Francisco and founder of the Preventative Medicine Research Institute, in Sausalito, California. Ornish, like Kotter, realizes the importance of going beyond the facts. "Providing health information is important but not always sufficient," he says. "We also need to bring in the psychological, emotional, and spiritual dimensions that are so often ignored." Ornish published studies in leading peer-reviewed scientific journals, showing that his holistic program, focused around a vegetarian diet with less than 10% of the calories from fat, can actually reverse heart disease without surgery or drugs. Still, the medical establishment remained skeptical that people could sustain the lifestyle changes. In 1993, Ornish persuaded Mutual of Omaha to pay for a trial. Researchers took 333 patients with severely clogged arteries. They helped them quit smoking and go on Ornish's diet. The patients attended twice-weekly group support sessions led by a psychologist and took instruction in meditation, relaxation, yoga, and aerobic exercise. The program lasted for only a year. But after three years, the study found, 77% of the patients had stuck with their lifestyle changes -- and safely avoided the bypass or angioplasty surgeries that they were eligible for under their insurance coverage. And Mutual of Omaha saved around $30,000 per patient.

Framing Change

Why does the Ornish program succeed while the conventional approach has failed? For starters, Ornish recasts the reasons for change. Doctors had been trying to motivate patients mainly with the fear of death, he says, and that simply wasn't working. For a few weeks after a heart attack, patients were scared enough to do whatever their doctors said. But death was just too frightening to think about, so their denial would return, and they'd go back to their old ways.

The patients lived the way they did as a day-to-day strategy for coping with their emotional troubles. "Telling people who are lonely and depressed that they're going to live longer if they quit smoking or change their diet and lifestyle is not that motivating," Ornish says. "Who wants to live longer when you're in chronic emotional pain?"

So instead of trying to motivate them with the "fear of dying," Ornish reframes the issue. He inspires a new vision of the "joy of living" -- convincing them they can feel better, not just live longer. That means enjoying the things that make daily life pleasurable, like making love or even taking long walks without the pain caused by their disease. "Joy is a more powerful motivator than fear," he says.

Pioneering research in cognitive science and linguistics has pointed to the paramount importance of framing. George Lakoff, a professor of those two disciplines at the University of California at Berkeley, defines frames as the "mental structures that shape the way we see the world." Lakoff says that frames are part of the "cognitive unconscious," but the way we know what our frames are, or evoke new ones, springs from language. For example, we typically think of a company as being like an army -- everyone has a rank and a codified role in a hierarchical chain of command with orders coming down from high to low. Of course, that's only one way of organizing a group effort. If we had the frame of the company as a family or a commune, people would know very different ways of working together.

The big challenge in trying to change how people think is that their minds rely on frames, not facts. "Neuroscience tells us that each of the concepts we have -- the long-term concepts that structure how we think -- is instantiated in the synapses of the brain," Lakoff says. "Concepts are not things that can be changed just by someone telling us a fact. We may be presented with facts, but for us to make sense of them, they have to fit what is already in the synapses of the brain. Otherwise, facts go in and then they go right back out. They are not heard, or they are not accepted as facts, or they mystify us: Why would anyone have said that? Then we label the fact as irrational, crazy, or stupid." Lakoff says that's one reason why political conservatives and liberals each think that the other side is nuts. They don't understand each other because their brains are working within different frames.

The frame that dominates our thinking about how work should be organized -- the military chain-of-command model -- is extremely hard to break. When new employees start at W.L. Gore & Associates, the maker of Gore-Tex fabrics, they often refuse to believe that the company doesn't have a hierarchy with job titles and bosses. It just doesn't fit their frame. They can't accept it. It usually takes at least several months for new hires to begin to understand Gore's reframed notion of the workplace, which relies on self-directed employees making their own choices about joining one another in egalitarian small teams.

Getting people to exchange one frame for another is tough even when you're working one-on-one, but it's especially hard to do for large groups of people. Howard Gardner, a cognitive scientist, MacArthur Fellow "genius" award winner, and professor at Harvard's Graduate School of Education, has looked at what works most effectively for heads of state and corporate CEOs. "When one is addressing a diverse or heterogeneous audience," he says, "the story must be simple, easy to identify with, emotionally resonant, and evocative of positive experiences."

In Louis V. Gerstner Jr.'s successful turnaround of IBM in the 1990s, he learned the surprising importance of this kind of emotional persuasion. When he took over as CEO, Gerstner was fixated on what had worked for him throughout his career as a McKinsey & Co. consultant: coolheaded analysis and strategy. He thought he could revive the company through maneuvers such as selling assets and cutting costs. He quickly found that those tools weren't nearly enough. He needed to transform the entrenched corporate culture, which had become hidebound and overly bureaucratic. That meant changing the attitudes and behaviors of hundreds of thousands of employees. In his memoir, Gerstner writes that he realized he needed to make a powerful emotional appeal to them, to "shake them out of their depressed stupor, remind them of who they were -- you're IBM, damn it!" Rather than sitting in a corner office negotiating deals and analyzing spreadsheets, he needed to convey passion through thousands of hours of personal appearances. Gerstner, who's often brittle and imperious in private, nonetheless responded admirably to the challenge. He proved to be an engaging and emotional public speaker when he took his campaign to his huge workforce.

Steve Jobs's turnaround at Apple shows the impact of reframing and telling a new narrative that's simple, positive, and emotional. When he returned to the company after a long exile, he recast its image among employees and customers alike from a marginalized player vanquished in the battle for market share to the home of a small but enviable elite: the creative innovators who dared to "Think different."

When leaders are addressing a small group of people who have a similar mind-set and shared values, the reframed message can be more nuanced and complex, Harvard's Gardner says. But it still needs to be positive, inspiring, and emotionally resonant. A good example is how chairman and publisher Arthur Sulzberger Jr. rescued The New York Times from crisis. Former editor Howell Raines had alienated much of the newsroom's staff, undermining its communal spirit with a new culture of favoritism. Raines fell when a star reporter he had shielded from criticism was exposed for fabricating news stories. The scandal threatened the famed paper's credibility. Gardner says that Sulzberger successfully reframed the narrative this way: We are a great newspaper. We temporarily went astray and risked sacrificing the community spirit that made this an outstanding place to work. We can retain our excellence and regain our sense of community by admitting our errors, making sure that they don't happen again, and being a more transparent and self-reflecting organization. To achieve these goals, Sulzberger replaced Raines with a new top editor, Bill Keller -- a respected veteran who reflected the lost communal culture -- and he appointed a "public editor" to critique the paper in an unedited column. Now, Gardner says, "the Times is a much happier place and the news coverage and journalistic empire are in reasonable shape."

Radical Change

Reframing alone isn't enough, of course. That's where Dr. Ornish's other astonishing insight comes in. Paradoxically, he found that radical, sweeping, comprehensive changes are often easier for people than small, incremental ones. For example, he says that people who make moderate changes in their diets get the worst of both worlds: They feel deprived and hungry because they aren't eating everything they want, but they aren't making big enough changes to quickly see an improvement in how they feel, or in measurements such as weight, blood pressure, and cholesterol. But the heart patients who went on Ornish's tough, radical program saw quick, dramatic results, reporting a 91% decrease in frequency of chest pain in the first month. "These rapid improvements are a powerful motivator," he says. "When people who have had so much chest pain that they can't work, or make love, or even walk across the street without intense suffering find that they are able to do all of those things without pain in only a few weeks, then they often say, 'These are choices worth making.' "

While it's astonishing that most patients in Ornish's demanding program stick with it, studies show that two-thirds of patients who are prescribed statin drugs (which are highly effective at cutting cholesterol) stop taking them within one year. What could possibly be a smaller or easier lifestyle change than popping a pill every day? But Ornish says patients stop taking the drug because it doesn't actually make them feel any better. It doesn't deal with causes of high cholesterol, such as obesity, that make people feel unhealthy. The paradox holds that big changes are easier than small ones.

Research shows that this idea applies to the business realm as well. Bain & Co., the management consulting firm, studied 21 recent corporate transformations and found that most were "substantially completed" in only two years or less while none took more than three years. The means were drastic: In almost every case, the CEOs fired most of the top management. Almost always, the companies enjoyed quick, tangible results, and their stock prices rose 250% a year on average as they revived.

IBM's turnaround hinged on a radical shift in focus from selling computer hardware to providing "services," which meant helping customers build and run their information-technology operations. This required a momentous cultural switch -- IBMers would have to recommend that a client buy from competitors such as Hewlett-Packard and Microsoft when it was in the client's interest. But the radical shift worked: Services have grown into IBM's core business and the key to its success.

Of course, radical change often isn't possible in business situations. Still, it's always important to identify, achieve, and celebrate some quick, positive results for the vital emotional lifts that they provide. Harvard's Kotter believes in the importance of "short-term wins" for companies, meaning "victories that nourish faith in the change effort, emotionally reward the hard workers, keep the critics at bay, and build momentum. Without sufficient wins that are visible, timely, unambiguous, and meaningful to others, change efforts invariably run into serious problems."

Supporting Change

Even when leaders have reframed the issues brilliantly, it's still vital to give people the multifaceted support they need. That's a big reason why 90% of heart patients can't change their lifestyles but 77% of Ornish's patients could -- because he buttressed them with weekly support groups with other patients, as well as attention from dieticians, psychologists, nurses, and yoga and meditation instructors.

Xerox's executives learned this lesson well. Four years ago, when the company was in crisis, they came up with a new vision that required salespeople to change the way they had always worked. "Their whole careers, salespeople had done one thing," says James Firestone, president of Xerox North America, who leads a sales force of 5,400. "They would knock on doors, look for copiers, see how old they were, and sell a refresh. They knew how to do that." The salespeople had such predictable routines that they could plan their days, weeks, even years. It was comforting. But it just wasn't succeeding any longer.

Under the new strategy, the salespeople were supposed to really engage with customers so they could understand the complexities of how their offices operated and find opportunities to sell other products, such as scanners and printers. Maybe they would find that the customer actually needed fewer machines that could do more than the old ones had. Learning about the client's needs meant that the sales reps had to take a lot more time and talk to more people about broader issues. It undermined the cozy predictability of their routines. The reps became anxious, Firestone recalls. "They'd say, 'I know how to sell and make a living the old way, but not the new way.' "

Their anxiety was compounded by the fact that Xerox lagged in giving them the support they needed. It often took a couple of months before the salespeople received their scheduled training in the new approach. And it took two years before the company changed its incentive pay system to fit better with the new model, in which the reps had to invest a lot more time and effort before they signed deals. Eventually, though, the change effort, by expanding the sales focus to a larger range of products, helped Xerox avoid bankruptcy and return to profitability. "People need a sense of confidence that the processes will be aligned internally," Firestone says. "For large companies, this is where change usually fails." Even if change starts at the top, it can easily die somewhere in the middle. That's why Xerox now holds "alignment workshops" that ask middle managers -- the people who make processes work -- to outline the ways its systems could inhibit its agendas for change.

This Is Your Brain on Change

Are most of us like the fearful copier salespeople who dread disruption to their routines? Neuroscience, a field that has exploded with insight, has a lot more to say about changing people's behavior -- and its findings are guardedly optimistic. Scientists used to believe that the brain became "hardwired" early in life and couldn't change later on. Now researchers such as Dr. Michael Merzenich, a professor at the University of California at San Francisco, say that the brain's ability to change -- its "plasticity" -- is lifelong. If we can change, then why don't we? Merzenich has perspective on the issue since he's not only a leading neuroscientist but also an entrepreneur, the founder of two Bay Area startups. Both use PC software to train people to overcome mental disabilities or diseases: Scientific Learning Corp. focuses on children who have trouble learning to read, and Posit Science Corp. is working on ways to prevent, stop, or reverse cognitive decline in older adults.

Merzenich starts by talking about rats. You can train a rat to have a new skill. The rat solves a puzzle, and you give it a food reward. After 100 times, the rat can solve the puzzle flawlessly. After 200 times, it can remember how to solve it for nearly its lifetime. The rat has developed a habit. It can perform the task automatically because its brain has changed. Similarly, a person has thousands of habits -- such as how to use a pen -- that drive lasting changes in the brain. For highly trained specialists, such as professional musicians, the changes actually show up on MRI scans. Flute players, for instance, have especially large representations in their brains in the areas that control the fingers, tongue, and lips, Merzenich says. "They've distorted their brains."

Businesspeople, like flutists, are highly trained specialists, and they've distorted their brains, too. An older executive "has powers that a young person walking in the door doesn't have," says Merzenich. He has lots of specialized skills and abilities. A specialist is a hard thing to create, and is valuable for a corporation, obviously, but specialization also instills an inherent "rigidity." The cumulative weight of experience makes it harder to change.

How, then, to overcome these factors? Merzenich says the key is keeping up the brain's machinery for learning. "When you're young, almost everything you do is behavior-based learning -- it's an incredibly powerful, plastic period," he says. "What happens that becomes stultifying is you stop learning and you stop the machinery, so it starts dying." Unless you work on it, brain fitness often begins declining at around age 30 for men, a bit later for women. "People mistake being active for continuous learning," Merzenich says. "The machinery is only activated by learning. People think they're leading an interesting life when they haven't learned anything in 20 or 30 years. My suggestion is learn Spanish or the oboe."

Meanwhile, the leaders of a company need "a business strategy for continuous mental rejuvenation and new learning," he says. Posit Science has a "fifth-day strategy," meaning that everyone spends one day a week working in a different discipline. Software engineers try their hand at marketing. Designers get involved in business functions. "Everyone needs a new project instead of always being in a bin," Merzenich says. "A fifth-day strategy doesn't sacrifice your core ability but keeps you rejuvenated. In a company, you have to worry about rejuvenation at every level. So ideally you deliberately construct new challenges. For every individual, you need complex new learning. Innovation comes about when people are enabled to use their full brains and intelligence instead of being put in boxes and controlled."

What happens if you don't work at mental rejuvenation? Merzenich says that people who live to 85 have a 50-50 chance of being senile. While the issue for heart patients is "change or die," the issue for everyone is "change or lose your mind." Mastering the ability to change isn't just a crucial strategy for business. It's a necessity for health. And it's possibly the one thing that's most worth learning.

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